WHAT I WOULD HAVE SAID TO JUDGE FREEDMAN
On Tuesday morning, December 3, 1991, U.S. federal marshals
arrested me at our family's home in Colrain. This marked the
latest attempt by the U.S. government to take possession of our
home in lieu of the federal income taxes my wife Betsy and I have
withheld from the government for the past fourteen years due to
our conscientious objection to war-making and weapons building.
The marshals took me to the federal district court in Springfield
where I was ordered to "show cause" as to why I should not be
charged with contempt of a court order to vacate the premises. As
I was waiting in a jail cell in the Federal Building prior to
being brought before Judge Frank Freedman, I made a few mental
notes to guide me in my statement to the court.
To my surprise, Judge Freedman refused to allow me to make a
statement or in any way explain my actions. He said that all he
wanted to know was whether I would promise the court that I would
never return to our home, which he claimed was the property of
the U.S. government. I said I couldn't make that promise, that my
conscience would not allow me to surrender our home to pay for
killing. The Judge immediately sentenced me to "up to six months"
of incarceration for contempt of court. The following is an
expanded version of the statement I had hoped to make:
Conscience not Contempt
My refusal to give up our home is not an act of contempt or
defiance of your court order. I regard it as an act of conscience
and also an act of citizenship. The two go hand in hand. The
first obligation of responsible citizenship, I believe, is
obedience to one's conscience. Obedience to one's government, and
to its laws, is very important, but it must
come second. Otherwise there is no check on immoral actions by
governments, which are bound to occur in any society whenever
power is abused.
I want to assure you, however, that I am not someone who
treats the law lightly. Even when a particular law seems at
first to have no clear purpose or justification, I try to give it
-- that is, give those who created and approved it -- the benefit
of the doubt. In an ideal sense, I see law as the codification
of those rules and procedures by which the members or citizens of
a community, be it local or global, have agreed to live. A
decent respect for one's community requires a decent respect for
its laws. At their best, such laws express the conscience of the
community, causing conscience and law to coincide.
The international treaties and agreements that Betsy and I
cited in the legal documents recently submitted to, and rejected
by, this court are wonderful examples of the coincidence of law
and conscience. these agreements, each one signed by our
government, include the United Nations Charter, which outlaws war
and the use of military force as methods of resolving conflicts
among nations; the Hague Regulations and Geneva Conventions,
which prohibit the use, or threatened use, of weapons that
indiscriminately kill civilians and poison the environment; and
the Nuremberg Principles which forbid individual citizens from
participating in or collaborating with clearly defined "crimes
against humanity," "war crimes" and "crimes against peace," even
when refusal to participate or collaborate means disobeying the
laws of one's government.
These international accords -- which, as you know, our
Constitution requires us to regard as "The Supreme Law of the
Land" -- are at least as much affirmations of conscience, rooted
in universal moral standards, as they are statements of law.
Betsy and I regret that you chose to deny our request for a
trial, which would have allowed us to argue the relevance of
these international laws before a jury of our peers.
Even in the absence of such laws, however, I believe that
citizens would still have an affirmative obligation to follow
their consciences and refuse to engage in or support immoral acts
by governments. It is not true, as is commonly thought, that if
large numbers of people put conscience ahead of the law and
decided for themselves which acts of government were immoral,
civilized society would break down into violence and chaos --
that is, greater violence and chaos that there is now. In fact,
the opposite would likely occur. there would likely be greater
compliance with those laws that are fundamentally just and
reasonable -- in other words, most laws -- and there would be
greater public pressure to abolish or reform those laws (and
policies) which are unjust or unreasonable.
There would be exceptions for the worse, of course. In the
name of conscience certain individuals would, no doubt, do some
terrible things and cause much injury and death, which happens
now. On balance, however, the historical record is clear: from
the Spanish Inquisition to the African slave trade, to Stalin's
purges, Hitler's Holocaust, the genocide of the Khmer Rouge in
Cambodia, and our own devastation of Vietnam and Iraq, far more
killing and suffering has resulted from people following "legal"
orders and obeying the law than from people refusing to do so in
obedience to conscience.
My own refusal to kill (which led me to spend nearly two
years in federal prison rather than cooperate with the Vietnam
draft), Betsy's and my refusal to pay federal taxes used for
killing (which caused the IRS to seize our home), and now our
refusal to turn over our home in lieu of taxes -- are all acts of
conscience. It has not been easy for us to deliberately violate
the law in these instances, and in so doing incur the anxiety and
disapproval of some of our friends and family, as well as the
scorn and censure of many members of the community. We are
painfully aware that even though we do pay our town and state
taxes, and even though we have given away to the poor and to the
victims of our war-making in other countries, every cent that we
have withheld from the federal government, nevertheless we are
still regarded by some as irresponsible and as not contributing
our fair share.
There are times, however, when all of us are confronted with
difficult choices. Betsy and I, and many others like us, feel
that we must choose between knowingly and willingly paying for
war and killing, and openly and nonviolently breaking the law
with respect to federal taxes. Our consciences compel us to
choose the latter.
Abolishing War
For me, the issue is larger than simply the taking of
another human life, or even the instance of a particular war in
which many lives are lost. I have increasingly come to see the
larger issue as war itself. Whereas there has always been a
moral imperative to end war and refrain from killing, today the
imperative is much greater. Today, the logic of peace, the logic
of nonviolence, is also the logic of survival.
It is impossible to dis-invent today's nuclear, chemical,
biological, and so-called conventional weapons of mass
destruction. Therefore we have no alternative but to effectively
abolish war. This is the one essential adaptation which the
human species must make -- and, I firmly believe, can make -- if
life as we know it is to continue.
War today is the scourge of the planet. It is tragic enough
that war is daily claiming the lives of thousands of people,
maiming thousands more, leaving thousands of orphans and widows,
and destroying thousands of homes, schools and hospitals -- to
say nothing of the irreplaceable treasures of human civilization
destroyed in Baghdad last year and in Dubrovnik over the past
several months. What makes war today even more tragic, more
horrible, are the incalculable economic, social, and
environmental costs that go along with it. Instead of using our
human and material resources to produce food, medicine, housing,
schools and other desperately needed commodities, the world's
nations, led by our own, are annually spending trillions of
dollars to produce or purchase more and more weapons of even
greater destructive capability. The hundreds of millions of
children, women, and men whose lives are ravaged by poverty,
hunger and homelessness -- around the world and here in the U.S.
-- are as much victims of our addiction to war and militarism as
are those who are hit by the bullets and bombs directly.
While the awful gap between the rich minority and the poor
majority of the world's people grows wider and wider, war's
assault on the earth, which sustains us all, becomes more and
more savage and less and less reversible with each new armed
conflict. The severe and long-term ecological damage to the
Persian Gulf region that resulted from only a few weeks of war
last year is just the tip of the iceberg. The cumulative impact
of the many smaller scale, less publicized wars elsewhere around
the globe is no less severe and, ultimately, no less threatening
to the well-being of people everywhere, including Americans.
Furthermore, here at home where ecological damage to our own,
more immediate environment is proceeding at a frightening pace,
the single largest polluter by far, producing more toxic and
radioactive waste that any other single entity, it the U.S.
military.
I am not at all suggesting that our country bears sole
responsibility for the global state of affairs. But we bear a
good deal of it and therefore any steps we take to move away from
war will have great influence upon other countries around the
world. Even before the collapse of the Soviet Union, we had the
most powerful armed forces in the world, the most sophisticated
weaponry, and by far the largest number of military bases outside
our own borders. Since World War II, we have used our military
might to bomb, invade, or otherwise intervene in more countries
around the world than any other nation. We were the first to
develop the atomic bomb and we are the only nation ever to use
it. For years we have led the Soviets in atomic test explosions,
and we are continuing these tests even though Soviet testing has
stopped. In addition, we have long been the world's largest arms
merchant, today supplying 40% of the entire overseas weapons
market.
We have been told that all of this is necessary for our
security, but the opposite is true. This military colossus we
have created has greatly undermined our security -- by creating
more enemies that it destroys, by wasting our precious resources
and poisoning the environment, by degrading our democracy with
"national security" secrecy, covert actions and official lying,
and by undercutting our highest Judeo-Christian values with the
insidious doctrine of "might makes right."
Betsy's and my actions, that have brought us here today, are
testament to our belief that there is another way for us to live
in the world, and another way for us to resolve our conflicts
with our fellow human beings. It is a way that is rooted in the
best of our values, the values of generosity and justice, of
human dignity and equality, of compassion and mutual respect.
The seeds of this alternative way -- the way of nonviolence that
Dr. Martin Luther King tried to teach us -- already exist within
our society, and within each person. We have only to honor and
nurture those seeds, individually and collectively. This is a
prescription based not on wishful idealism, but on practical
necessity. It is our only real hope for survival.
Personal Responsibility
The transformation that is required cannot be accomplished
without our accepting some measure of personal responsibility for
the mess we are in. It would be futile to expect our government,
or any other, to initiate it. In any event, we cannot afford to
wait. The transformation must begin with us. Because we profess
to be a self-governing people, it is all the more our
responsibility.
We can exercise this responsibility by means of the choices
each of us is called upon to make. For example, we can choose to
speak out publicly against governmental practices and priorities
that we know to be wrong, or we can remain complicitous because
of our silence. Many of us can also choose not to hand over to
the federal government some part of our tax money, and instead
redistribute it to those in need -- until such time as those in
need become our government's first priority. And each of us can
choose to continue leading lives based on materialism,
consumerism, and environmental exploitation, or we can find ways
of living based on simplicity, sharing, and respect for the
earth. The choices we make as individuals will determine the
choices we make as a nation.
This is, no doubt, a dangerous and ominous time to be alive
in the world. Yet, it is also a very exciting time to be alive.
People all over the world, despite the opposition of their
governments, are taking the initiative to bring about momentous
and long overdue changes. These winds of change are sweeping the
planet -- and they are not likely to stop at our borders.
If the people of Prague and Moscow can overthrow Soviet
communism and bring about democracy and human rights; if the
people of Soweto and Johannesberg can abolish south African
apartheid and establish an egalitarian, multi-racial society;
then, I feel sure, it is equally possible for us in the United
States to dismantle American militarism and replace it with
attitudes and institutions of nonviolence.
It is my great hope, my silent prayer, that Betsy's and my
struggle to see that the fruits of our labor are used for
nurturing and healing, rather than for killing and war, will
somehow, in some unforeseen way, contribute to that process.
Randy Kehler
Hampshire County Jail
December 12, 1991
Return to The Skeptic Tank's main Index page.
The views and opinions stated within this web page are those of the
author or authors which wrote them and may not reflect the views and
opinions of the ISP or account user which hosts the web page. The
opinions may or may not be those of the Chairman of The Skeptic Tank.