[] TL: DESTRUCTIVE FOREST PRACTICES, CANADA SO: Greenpeace International (GP) DT: March 1994 Keywords: terrec forests logging clearcuts bc canada lobby statements greenpeace reports gp / DESTRUCTIVE FOREST PRACTICES IN CANADA: THE BRITISH COLUMBIA CASE. A response to the Canadian Pulp and Paper Association (CPPA) documents. - March 1994 - CPPA Document #1. CLEARCUTTING: A CANADIAN PERSPECTIVE. Introduction The CPPA grossly underestimates the concerns of the Canadian public with regards to clearcutting. It is not simply that clearcuts are ugly or that they occasionally cause erosion: it is that the forests have been assaulted that concerns Canadians. Eighty percent of what has been logged was felled in the past twenty five years. Studies and government audits have shown massive erosion (in B.C. alone costing over $100 million in lost forest productivity each year), massive damage and destruction to salmon streams, extirpation and extinction of species due to habitat loss, destruction of sacred native sites, overcutting of up to 46% in some provinces, mechanization causing job loss, impacts on local tourism and fishing economies due to clearcutting, and the use of their wilderness heritage for toilet tissue, telephone directories and newspapers. CPPA MYTH #1. "The only change [to the forest due to clearcutting] is that a mature stand of trees has been replaced with young, vigorous seedlings - a normal event in forest management." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. - Clearcuts damage soils. Clearcuts lead to soil degradation by stripping the land of all vegetative cover and exposing the soil to wind, rain and sun. Clearcuts in Canada are regularly done up and down steep slopes on the sides of valleys and mountains. Logging roads further aggravate soil degradation problems by diverting and channelling runoff water, contributing to downslope erosion, landslides and stream sedimentation. The topsoil is the headwaters of streams. The vast majority of water movement in a watershed is through the soil channels (Furniss, 1994). - Clearcuts reduce productivity. A Canadian Forestry Service study projects cumulative productivity losses from soil degradation from 1976 to 1993 at more than $1.5 billion dollars to the Province of British Colombia. (Utzig and Walmsley, 1988) This is only the costs in lost timber revenues from reduced tree growth and does not include the externality costs from clearcut logging due to lost fisheries and tourism revenues. - Clearcuts damage biodiversity. Because wildlife is often observed in clearcut areas - in fact clearcuts make it easier to observe and hunt some wildlife - it is frequently asserted that clearcuts are good for wildlife. In fact, the shrub and low shrub vegetation which typically dominates clearcut areas is nutritionally poor compared to the same shrub species found within the forest. (Bradley, 1994). In clearcuts opportunistic species (such as the Scotch broom) compete with indigenous plants. Numerous species depend on the old-growth forest for their survival. In old-growth, trees of all ages are found, from seedlings to standing dead trees (called 'snags') and fallen trees. All have an integral part in the ecosystem. For example, fallen logs are used by 14 species of amphibians and reptiles, 115 species of birds and 49 species of mammals as their habitat (Franklin, 1988). In addition to providing good habitat both before and after it falls, a dead tree nourishes tree seedlings and other plants that germinate and grow on it. Old-growth trees are very important for lichen, which provides for for dependent species such as the BC black-tailed deer. (Franklin, 1998). Finally the dead trees decompose to fertilise the soil (Dorst & Young, 1990). The soil in temperate rainforest are particularly rich and can absorb much more rain than soil exposed by clearcutting (Diem, 1992). Tree plantations do not recreate the conditions of the original forests, no tree lives long enough to fall naturally in a managed forest. Numerous ecologists in British Columbia have pointed out the dangers of clearcutting for biological diversity. "It should now be obvious that clearcut logging greatly reduces the genetic diversity of our vegetation, and does so irreparably." (Pielou, 1990) According to biological diversity scientist Neville Winchester, the Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision "will lead to a collapse or extinction of species, there is no doubt in my mind." (Victoria Times Colonist, April 15, 1993) - Regeneration is not always successful following clearcuts. Often, sites are so badly damaged that tree plantations following clearcuts do not establish successfully. For example, areas near Ucluelet, which is to the south of Clayoquot Sound, have been replanted as many as three and four times without success (Diem, 1992). Statistics Canada estimated in 1989 that across Canada 3.8 million hectares of logged forest land was not satisfactorily regenerated. - Vigour of seedlings and young trees following clearcuts is damaged. Foresters are discovering that regeneration areas are not performing as expected. A 20 percent reduction from the originally predicted harvestable volume of replanted areas on Vancouver Island are now being noted by foresters. This is due to unexpected "distorted" or "stunted" growth of trees following clearcutting. "Foresters are privately calling large parts of Vancouver Island 'silvicultural slums' and 'wastelands'." (Pine et al, 1989). - Even-aged tree plantations are much more susceptible to disease and pest outbreaks than ancient forests. It is nonsense to promote clearcutting of ancient forests because the current stands would not be vigorous. As Hammond (1991) shows, disease and pest outbreaks are more likely in tree plantations than ancient forests. Whereas diseases have a ecological role in every ecosystem, in tree farms (same trees, same age) they can become plagues. Scientists generally note the lack of major outbreaks of insect pests in old-growth forests (Victoria Times Colonist, April 15, 1993). - Species composition following clearcuts is dramatically simplified. While no one would expect any two forests to be exactly the same, the species composition of forest lands following clearcuts is clearly less than that found following natural disturbances. According to the BC Forest Ministry's own figures, 65% of the clearcut temperate rainforest areas between 1970 and 1990 were replanted with only one tree species. In temperate rainforest regions the Pacific Yew, Big Leaf Maple and cottonwood have never been replanted and thousands upon thousands of hectares have been replanted inappropriately with Douglas Fir. In the boreal forest, poplar zones have been replanted with conifers and conifer zones replanted with deciduous species. ************ CPPA Myth #2: "Where clearcutting is consistent with the ecological requirements of desired plant and animal species and with other resource values, and where it yields the greatest volume and economic returns, it is an appropriate harvesting system." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. The tree farms and eroded deforested lands shows clearly what industry considers to be the desired plant and animal species; they are the ones that are capable of surviving in a clearcut and an industrial forest. The whole system is designed to give the highest economic return to the forest industry, without avoiding the costs imposed on other sectors of society from clearcutting. Trees such as the Pacific Yew have never been replanted because they were undesirable to the logging industry. The same fate has befallen hundreds of 'undesirables' from the Marbled murrelet to the Pacific Salamander and the Woodland Cariboo in the boreal forest clearcuts. ************* CPPA Myth #3. Clearcutting "mimics the natural cycles of nature". GREENPEACE RESPONDS. Natural disturbances such as fires and windblows occur with varying frequency in ancient forests in British Columbia, depending on the forest type, climatic conditions such as rainfall, and the topography. Clearcuts differ from fires and other natural disturbances in two key ways. - Clearcuts remove all trees. Natural disturbances do not remove all trees from a site. Both wind and fire events leave large numbers of standing and fallen trees and snags which are integral and necessary parts for a healthy functioning forest ecosystem. Moreover, most natural fires do not burn so hot that they either kill all trees or burn in large blocks. Following a wildfire, typically 30 - 70 percent of the trees are left alive. (Hammond 1990). - Clearcuts require roads. Natural disturbances do not leave behind roads. Intensive networks of roads are required into wilderness areas to permit clearcut logging. These roads contribute to landslides, soil erosion, result in fragmentation of the landscape, and by increasing sedimentation problems, contribute to damage to streams, rivers and salmon fisheries. ************ CPPA Myth #4. "The size of clearcuts has been decreasing" GREENPEACE RESPONDS. Sixty hectare clearcuts, while smaller than clearcuts measured in the hundreds or thousands or tens of thousands of hectares as can be readily found in Canada, are still large areas and ecologically damaging. The B.C. government continues to this day to approve clearcuts of up to 60 hectares adjacent to other cutting areas, thus creating de facto larger clearcuts. When buffer strips are left between clearcuts, they often prove highly vulnerable to windblow. Nor does the proposed new Forest Practices Code set a maximum size for a clearcut area. Evidence reveals, moreover, that clearcutting of small patches also is responsible for catastrophic disturbances to biological diversity and forest fragmentation (Franklin & Forman, 1987). Small clearcuts increase the amount of exposed forest edge; this leads to increased wind damage and windblows. The small patches of forest that remain in 'checkerboard'-type of logging do not provide enough habitat for those species that rely on the interior of the forest for their survival. Because of the number of roads required, the amount of landslides can be almost as high as with large-scale clearcutting (Franklin & Forman, 1987). ************ CPPA Myth #5. "Very little of Canada's forests are comprised of uneven-aged stands and selection cutting is therefore not appropriate in most situations." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. Ancient forests in British Columbia are generally uneven-aged. The climax communities in coastal rainforest zones (the most desirable stands for the timber industry) are uneven-aged resulting from natural mortality in these stands (Fenger, 1989). However, even-aged stands in BC are easily found on tree farms following clearcutting. Classification into the categories even/uneven-aged oversimplifies also when it refers only to the stand level and ignores diversity at the landscape level. Young stands resulting from natural disturbances (fire and windblows) in the Pacific Northwest occupied no more than 25% of the landscape historically. In most of the Pacific Northwest young stands now occupy 65% or more of the landscape due to heavy clearcut logging, and the percentage is increasing every year. The proportion of old-growth areas in the landscape has been totally disrupted, with serious consequences for biological diversity conservation. Industry has no plans to regenerate old-growth. (Grumbine, 1992) ************* CPPA MYTH #6. "Clearcuts increasingly refect (sic) the multiple needs of timber, wildlife, recreation, water quality and preserving biodiversity." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. An end to clearcutting does not mean an end to forestry or of timber extraction from forests. Numerous low- impact harvesting techniques such as well planned selective logging and ecosystem planning processes can ensure the conservation of biological diversity, greater community control and the maintenance of a broad range of forest values for future generations (Hammond, 1991). There are currently hundreds of individuals, small operators and native bands practising selective logging across Canada. It is simply ingenuous of the forest industry to say no other method of timber extraction works in Canada forests. ----------------------------- CPPA Document #2. THE DECISION MAKING PROCESS AND ABORIGINAL RIGHTS. INTRODUCTION Considering the number of native blockades against logging across Canada (the Haida in Haida Gwaii B.C., the Nuu-chah-Nulth in Clayoquot Sound, the Lill'watt Peoples Nation in interior B.C., the Cree in Alberta and Saskatchewan, the Algonquin, Mohawk and Cree in Quebec and the Innu in Labrador, to name but a few) it is astonishing that the Canadian Pulp and Paper Association would begin to rationalize clearcutting on unceded native territory by pointing to the native Nations who are involved in forestry on a portion of the 0.03% of the land which they have rights to. CPPA Myth #7. "The Clayoqout Sound land-use decision in British Columbia (...) was made without prejudice to these [the Nuu-Chah- Nulth First Nation] land claims." Greenpeace Responds. By allowing destructive clearcut logging of the ancient forests found in the customary territories of the Nuu-Chah- Nulth people, and thus threatening the integrity of these forest lands without Nuu-Chah-Nulth agreement, the Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision was clearly prejudicial to First Nation land claims. The Nuu-chah-nulth have repeatedly stated their rejection of conventional logging practices such as clearcutting since they (along with many scientists, foresters, environmentalists and others) recognize that these practices are unsustainable, and thus against their tribal interests. "The Nuu-Chah-Nulth believe that the long term wellbeing of the land is more important than any economic commodity from the land; and that their future is tied to the health of the ecosystems which support their lifestyle." "The Nuu-Chah-Nulth do not believe the present rate of resource exploitation is sustainable." (The Nuu-Chah-Nulth Perspective, 1992). According to a statement delivered by Chief Francis Frank of the Tla-O-Qui-Aht Nation, "The Central Region Tribes of the The Nuu- chah-nulth Tribal Council including: Hesquiaht, Ahousaht, Tla-o- qui-aht First Nations, Ucluelot and Toquaht are opposed to the recent decision and decision making process utilized by the B.C. Government in making a decision to log the Clayoquot Sound area." (Kahtou News, May 5, 1993) Chief Francis Frank goes on to say, "The Provincial government has stated that their decision on the Clayoquot Sound will not prejudice the Treaty making process. How can this be when the very territories that will come under the negotiation process are being given away to forest companies to log? No mention has been made that there will be any compensation to First Nations for this decision." (Kahtou News, May 5, 1993). ************* CPPA Myth #8. "In Clayoquout Sound a number of the aboriginal people resident there make their living from the forests industry and, in fact, hold Forest Licences for such purposes." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. CPPA implies that the forest industry is a significant source of employment for the Nuu-Chah-Nulth people. This is extremely far from the truth. The forest industry in general and Macmillon Bloedel in particular provide virtually no real employment for Clayoquot Sound bands. According to the August 1992 report of the Clayoquot Sound Sustainable Development Strategy, "The Nuu-chah-nulth population is younger and has a higher birth rate that the population of the Alberni-Clayoquot Regional District. Their economy also differs. Whereas forestry accounts for most of the employment in the Regional District, fishing is the leading employer of the Nuu-chah- nulth bands, providing 73% of present employment. At one time fishing was an even greater source of employment. [Greenpeace note: clearcut logging has severely damaged native fisheries throughout the Pacific Northwest.] Bands say that if fishing were restored, more Natives would return to it. Tourism is second, providing about 21% of employment and increasing. Forestry, aquaculture and mining account for about 3% of employment among the Clayoquot Sound bands." Nor, since logging has started in Clayoquot Sound has there yet been any significant job creation for the First Nation bands in the Sound. ************ CPPA Myth #9. "In fact, natives had input into the land use decision process over a period of four years (..) the Honourable Andrew Petter gave an advance briefing on the decision to the Tribal Council (..)." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. Neither Greenpeace, the First Nations, nor independent government auditors believe that the Nuu-Chah-Nulth were properly consulted. According to Chief Francis Frank, "We were not consulted in any way as to what was being considered in forming the Government's decision." (Kahtou News, May 5, 1993.) According to the Provincial Ombudsmans investigation, "The consultation with the First Nations in this case was less than satisfactory....The affected First Nations are entitled to more information and involvement than they were given in this case....This Office [of the Ombudsman] does not agree that it is simply courtesy that requires the provincial government to meaningfully consult affected First Nations in the process leading to pre-treaty land use decisions. Administrative fairness demands it....The provincial government failed to consult the Nuu-chah- nulth First Nations in a meaningful and timely manner prior to making the pre-treaty Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision." Finally, the Office of the Ombudsman noted, "It is our understanding that government has acknowledged that 'not enough consultation took place' with the Nuu-Chah-Nulth First Nations prior to announcing the land use in Clayoquot Sound." The 1989 Task Force and the 1991-92 Clayoquot Sound Sustainable Development Steering Committee cited by the CPPA both broke down because of strong disagreements between the local communities in Clayoquot Sound and the outside logging companies (MacMillan Bloedel and Interfor). Even as the talks were happening, the timber industry was cutting in portions of Clayoquot Sound. Agreement was impossible since the timber companies would block any consensus which prevented them from continued clearcut logging in Clayoquot Sound. Greenpeace believes that a meaningful consultative process would presume no logging by MacMillan Bloedel and Interfor in Clayoquot Sound until there is consensus with the Nuu-Chah-Nulth and local communities on exactly how and where and when and if any such logging would be acceptable. The consultative process established by the provincial government turns this process on its head, by presuming that there will be logging unless there is consensus not to. At the end of the day, MacMillan Bloedel and Interfor would have to agree not to log for this to happen, which would of course be an unprecedented and extemely unlikely position to expect a large forest industry multinational to take, given their narrow corporate economic objectives. This is particularly the case since they were already logging at discussions were taking place, and thus under no real incentive to compromise. ************** CPPA Myth #10. "The process [leading to the Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision] British Columbia followed would meet any reasonable standard of democracy and public participation (...)" GREENPEACE RESPONDS. An independent review of the decision making process by the Provincial Office of the Ombudsman found that the Nuu-Chah-Nulth were not consulted in "a meaningful and timely" way. The review was initiated as a result "many diverse complaints...regarding the fairness of the Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision". According to public statements by the Office of the Ombudsman, "Considering the Nuu-chah-nulth are the people most affected by this land use decision, government ought to have consulted them in a meaningful and timely manner. This was not done. As a result we have found the process to be contrary to the principles of administrative fairness." (Office of the Ombudsman, November 12, 1993) The Clayoquot Sustainable Development Process failed because it was a 'talk and log' process. Although it failed, the government accepted 90% of the logging industry's proposal, developed outside the public input process. The public has no legal rights to contest the rate of cut in Tree Farm licences on public land (B.C. Forest Act). The default if there is no public consensus has always been continued logging, as none of the public input processes had anything but the power of recommendations, not decisions. **************** CPPA Myth #11. "The Clayoquot Sound decision does not 'violate' any human rights." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. On September 22, 1993 Nuu-Chah-Nulth leaders filed a formal human rights complaint at the United Nations against the B.C. provincial government over the logging decision. They were assisted in this effort by Robert Kennedy Jr., who is working to help them obtain justice in their case. The First Nation leaders also had a series of meetings with American politicians, including Senators Edward Kennedy and John Porter, and aides to President Bill Clinton. In these meetings they asked the politicians to support a boycott of B.C. lumber. (Times-Colonist, Sept. 23, 1993). The Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision clearly violates the International Labour Conference Convention 169, "Convention Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries." In particular, Article 7 states, "The peoples concerned [indigenous peoples] shall have the right to decide their own priorities for the process of development as it affects their lives, beliefs, institutions and spiritual well-being and the lands they occupy or otherwise use, and to exercise control, to the extent possible, over their own economic, social and cultural development." Since the land use decision, the B.C. government and the Nuu-Chah-Nulth Tribal Council (NTC) have entered into negotiations towards an Interim Agreement on the land rights issue. However, disagreements have erupted between the NTC and Premier Harcourt about the purpose of the agreement. The NTC rightfully insist that the agreement must give them ultimate veto power over land use decisions in their territories in Clayoquot Sound. The government insists that the agreement merely gives the NTC an advisory role.(Vancouver Sun, December 14, 1993) Despite numerous delays of the signing to allow for further negotiation and clarification between the government and the Nuu- Chah-Nulth, differences remain. The Interim Agreement has still not yet been signed and thus has yet to come into force. The Interim Agreement, if it is signed, will be a positive step towards justice for First Nations. But it is only a two year interim agreement, it is not a Treaty. Provincial governments indicate that actual treaty negotiations will not even begin for two more years. --------------------------- CPPA document #3. OLD GROWTH FORESTS IN CANADA ************** CPPA Myth #12. "In most of Canada, the age of trees seldom exceeds 150 years and is usually much less;" GREENPEACE RESPONDS. Old-growth' is usually defined for temperate rainforests as stands of trees older than 200 years, among other factors (Grumbine, 1992). Much of the commercially valuable old- growth forests in south-eastern Canada were cut down in the last 150 years. British Columbia still has many old-growth forests left. It is quite common to find individual trees over 1,000 years old. These ancient temperate rainforests contain the highest biomass of any forest type in the world, so as can be imagined they are tremendously desired by the timber industry and are disappearing fast. More than half of Canada's total volume of forest products comes from British Columbia old-growth forests. Because forest dynamics differ among forest types, age of trees is not always the most relevant measure of a forests ecological values. Moreover, industrial clearcut logging of primary forests in Canada, whatever the age of trees, has proven highly damaging. The secondary forests with which industry has attempted to replace these pristine environments have proven to be biologically impoverished. ************* CPPA Myth #13. "Present rates of harvesting in Canada (1/2 of 1% of the so-called commercial forest...) ensure that Canada will always have an abundance of "old-growth" forest. GREENPEACE RESPONDS. An old growth forest is at least 200 years old. A logging rate of 0.5% of the commercial land base means that it takes 200 years to complete a rotation cycle. So even by the CPPA's own logic, commercial forest lands will never be managed to regenerate old-growth. No replanted tree will ever be older than 200 years old! In reality in B.C., rotation cycles in commercial tree farms are planned to be even quicker, commonly from 60 to 120 years. Ancient forests in BC, on the other hand, operate on natural disturbance cycles (fire or wind) where 250 to 300 years is considered a short cycle and many forests operate on cycles of 500, 1,000 or even 1,500 years. As the age of a stand of temperate rainforest trees grows the number of species found within them increase. The natural cycles of the ancient coastal temperate rainforests found in Clayoquot Sound are in the upper end of this range. Natural old-growth forests like this are very rare. ************** CPPA Myth #14. "(..) conservation of biodiversity is impressive....most of the remaining old-growth [in coastal BC] is not threatened with extinction." GREENPEACE RESPONDS. There have never been any comprehensive biological inventories of Clayoquot Sound, or a meaningful environmental assessment of the Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision. How can the industry know how well its conservation of biodiversity is doing when it doesn't even know what is out there? Based on satellite mapping, the Sierra Club of Western Canada (1993) found that on Vancouver Island 64% of the commercially viable ancient forest has already been clearcut logged and 31% of the remainder is scheduled to be logged. According to the Sierra Club's satellite mapping, only 4,4% of this ancient temperate rainforest of Vancouver Island has been protected. This is an insufficient area to conserve the many unique biological diversity values found in this forest type. Having already cut down the most accessible ancient forests on relatively flat lands and valley bottoms, the old-growth forests which industry sees as its "share" are now found on steeper slopes, higher elevations and in a landscape increasingly fragmented by logging and road-building. So-called "commercial" forests are the old growth areas under greatest threat, and in greatest need of protection. The CPPA fudges the old-growth issue by lumping higher elevation sub-alpine forests, bog forests, and other non-commercial forest types (which the companies are not interested in logging anyway) with productive ancient forests they wish to log, as if all old growth forest ecosystems are created the same. The British Columbia Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks keeps track of species at risk in B.C. As of July 1993 there were 91 vertebrate species and subspecies on the red list (considered endangered or threatened), 93 vertebrate species and subspecies on the blue list (considered sensitive or vulnerable) and 628 rare vascular plant species, 153 of which are considered threatened, endangered or extirpated. (Ministry of Forests leaflet, undated). Marbled murrelet studies by the Fish and Wildlife Branch of the Ministry of Environment and the Clayoquot Biosphere Project showed an almost 50% decline in the population over 10 years. Murrelets are old- growth dependent. Industry also has a bad record of compliance with fish and forestry guidelines. Studies such as the Tripp Reports I and II show industry has only met the guidelines between 50% to 80% of the time (averaging 70% compliance). The Ministry of Forests termed this "unacceptable" (Andrew Petter, January 18 1994, B.C. Press Release). According to the International Law and Obligation Institute of Victoria, BC, lack of effective government controls over the forest industry mean that the province is not in compliance with the terms of a number of key articles (particularly Articles 1, 6(b), 7(a), 8(c & d), 10(b), and 14.1(a)) in the Convention on Biological Diversity. ************* CPPA Myth #15. "(..) the industry cannot survive without access to some of these forests, at least not for the next 30 to 50 years," GREENPEACE RESPONDS. The forest industry can survive without the high volume of wood extraction from B.C.'s forests. British Columbia has a very bad record on creating jobs in the forest industry: while in the last 30 years the wood volume increased threefold, the ratio of jobs per 1000 cubic metres declined from two to 0.9. Restructuring the forest industry towards eco- forestry and the production of more value-added products will not only create more jobs but also save more trees. The forest industry's own behaviour in overcutting in the past is the biggest reason that drastic reductions in cutting are needed now. For decades, the industry and the public have been warned that cutting was taking place well above any sustained yield basis. The Forest Resource Commission concluded in 1991 that at least a 30% drop of the annual allowable cut is needed just to put the industry on a sustained yield basis. Reductions in logging rates to meet environmental objectives are a relatively much smaller component. Now that reductions in annual allowable cuts can no longer be avoided, however, the forest industry finds a convenient scapegoat in the environmental movement to blame for the problem. REFERENCES *BC's Forests: Monocultures or Mixed Forests. Province of British Columbia, 1992. *Bradley, T., 1994. Silva Ecosystem Consultants. Ltd., Winlaw, BC. pers. comm. Jan 20, 1994. *Dietrich, W., 1993. The Final Forest: The Battle for the Last Great Trees of the Pacific Northwest. Penguin Books, New York. * Diem, A, 1992. Clearcutting British Columbia. Ecologist, Vol. 22 no.6, Nov/Dec 1992 * Dorst A. & Young C., 1990. Clayoquot: On the Wild Side. Western Canada Wilderness Committee. * Fenger, M.A., March 1989. Clearcutting and the Effects on Wildlife. Paper Public Conference on Clearcut Logging and the Environment, Penticton BC. Fenger is Habitat Forester for the Ministry of Environment. * Franklin, J. F., Structural and functional diversity in temperate rainforests. In E.O. Wilson ed. Biodiversity 1988. * Franklin, J.F. & Forman, R.T.T. Creating Landscape Patterns by Forest Cutting: Ecological Consequences Principles. Landscape Ecology, Vol.1, No1, 1987. * Furniss, M., Hydrologist California Forest Service. Presentation at Forest Conference in Ashland, Oregon, Febr. 1994. * Grumbine, R.E., 1992. Ghost Bears. Exploring the Biodiversity Crisis. Island Press. *Hammond, Herb, 1991. Seeing the Forest Among the Trees: The Case for Wholistic Forest Use. Polestar Press, Vancouver. 309pp. *Hatfield, H.R., 1988. Clearcut versus selection. Forest Planning Canada, 4(4):9-10. * The Nuu-Chah-Nulth Perspective, 1992. Chapter 2, Clayoquot Sound Sustainable Development Strategy, second draft, August 3, 1992. Tofino, B.C. * Office of the Ombudsman, November 1993. Public Report No. 31, Administrative Fairness of the Process Leading to the Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision. Office of the Ombudsman of British Columbia, Victoria. * Pielou, E.C., 1990. Depletion of Genetic Richness is not "Harmless" Consequence of Clearcutting. Forest Planning Canada 6(4): 29. *Pine, J., M. Sheehan and D. White, 1989. Wounded Forests and Diminished Yields. Forest Planning Canada 5(5):5-11. *Province of British Columbia, Ministry of Forests, undated. Biodiversity in British Columbia. *Sierra Club of Western Canada, 1993. Ancient Forests at Risk: Final Report of the Vancouver Island Mapping Project. Sierra Club of Western Canada, Victoria.* Thompson, I.D. and Welsh D.A. Integrated Resource Management in Boreal Forest Ecosystems- Impediments and Solutions. The Forestry Chronicle, Febr. 1993. Vol. 69, No 1. *Utzig, G and M. Walmsley, 1988. Evaluation of Soil Degradation as a Factor Affecting Forest Productivity in British Colombia. *Forest Resource Development Agreement Report 25. Canadian Forestry Service, Victoria, British Colombia.. The following are a selection of the more interesting scientific abstracts obtained through a search of an electronic data base in Europe. The search used was: forest and clearfelling and (ecology or ecological or effects) and (california or oregon or washington or canada or russia or siberia).