TL: PROFILES OF THE "SINISTER SEVEN" - Obstacles to the Basel Ban SO: Greenpeace International (GP) DT: Unknown Keywords: environment greenpeace toxics agreements conferences / Profiles of the T H E "S I N I S T E R S E V E N" AUSTRALIA -- Seems to want to satisfy its industry by keeping the door open for dumping of toxic waste for recycling in South East and Southern Asia. Government found to be out of compliance with the Basel Convention by not regulating recyclable hazardous wastes. CANADA -- One of the most regressive delegations in the Basel meetings. Currently exporting "recyclable" toxic waste to Asia. Position of new government may offer some hope for relief from their intransigence because new Environment Minister, as an opposition MP, had introduced a total hazardous waste trade ban bill in House of Commons. FINLAND -- Refuses to close the door for future exports of recyclable hazardous waste to Eastern and Central Europe and particularly to the Baltic States. GERMANY -- World champion waste trading nation. Although currently seeking legislation to better control its embarrassing waste trade scandals, still seems fixated on exporting waste to Eastern and Central Europe and Asia. JAPAN -- Known to send large quantities of lead batteries and other metals waste to poorer Asian neighbours such as Southeast Asian nations and Korea. Their position so far indicates that they want to maintain or increase such waste export. However, position of new government is not known, and new Environment Minster supported waste trade ban as an MP in the Diet in February 1992. Following turnaround on ocean dumping issue in the London Convention, there is reason for hope. UNITED KINGDOM -- A polite but regressive delegation in all Basel meetings. The government is clearly seeking to preserve a free trade in toxic metals, particularly to Asian nations. Hails the benefits of "self-sufficiency" but barely monitors massive flow of toxic wastes to South. UNITED STATES -- In new Clinton Administration there are hopeful signs here for some kind of movement. A decision was almost reached in December 1993 toward a ban to non-OECD countries with the exception of Mexico. Final position still pending. Significant trade going on in metals and plastic waste to Asia and Mexico. The Compromise: Create a Recycling Loophole In the end, however, the Piriapolis meeting did not vote on a total ban. Instead, a last-minute compromise was found to delay a decision until the next meeting in March 1994. It was felt by many that the compromise was hastily forged primarily due to the fear that the wealthiest nations would not ratify the treaty with a ban in place. The world's biggest waste producers and exporters--the US, Japan and all the EU nations--had not yet completed ratification procedures and were thus not yet parties to the Convention at the Piriapolis meeting. Rather than a total ban, the Basel Convention parties agreed instead that exports for final disposal from industrialised to developing countries should cease. Exports for recycling, however, were allowed to continue pending a review and until a final decision is taken at the next meeting of the Parties. However, at the same time, the Parties agreed that all hazardous waste imports by developing countries should cease, regardless of the reason for the import. If this sounds like a contradiction, then you understand things correctly. Although it is not logically or ethically possible to export hazardous wastes to those for whom you have requested import bans, the big question that remains for the Basel Convention is whether wastes destined for recycling or recovery operations will be allowed for export from industrialised to developing countries. THE REMAINING OBSTACLES TO A GLOBAL BAN Recycling: Dumping by a Green Name Suddenly, everyone wants to call themselves recyclers. -- Carol Ash, Regional Director of New York City, Environmental Office. As previously noted, recycling was never considered the pinnacle of the waste hierarchy and should never have been seen as any kind of solution to the waste crisis. It should not come as a surprise however, that the heretofore "green" term "recycling" is now increasingly used as a justification for dubious processes and the export of hazardous wastes even to some of the poorest countries in the world. Countless excuses have been witnessed for trading wastes on the basis of alleged recycling benefits to the environment or the recipients of the wastes. This trend is growing rapidly. In the period from 1980 to 1988, only 36 percent of all waste trade schemes claimed some form of "recycling" or "further use" of the waste. In the period from 1989-1990 the recycling figure had risen to 54 percent, and in the most recent surveys carried out in 1993, a full 90 percent of the waste trade schemes show some form of "further use" or "recycling" as a pretext for waste export. Jan Huisman, who heads the United Nations International Registry of Potentially Toxic Chemicals (IRPTC) programme in Geneva, has expressed concern. "It's a new fashion, a second generation of waste export," he commented. "There is still quite a lot of effort going into waste 'disposal' which is not exactly dumping, but which may turn out to be not very far from that." The "new wave" of waste exports purported to be shipped abroad for recycling is a direct result of efforts undertaken by the lawmakers in industrialised countries to ensure that loopholes exist in waste trade legislation for anything called recyclable waste. Spurred largely by free trade proponents and the secondary metals industry, these loopholes are found in the OECD initiative (C(90)178/Final) and in the European Union's new regulation (see above). Now it seems that the decision on a global ban within the Basel Convention rests also on the recycling pretext. Whereas the Basel Convention recognises the need to "reduce transfrontier movements of all wastes to a minimum consistent with environmentally sound and efficient management,"and to "ensure that the generation of hazardous waste ...is reduced to a minimum," the waste generating parties to the Convention have so far fought desperately to avoid preventing wastes and to maintain business-as-usual by allowing their wastes an outlet through the "green" avenue of recycling. In the real world, when waste is hazardous, its export for recycling in non-OECD countries invariably involves either a complete sham and a pretext for export with no recycling taking place at all; or an operation that poisons workers and the environment and merely perpetuates the business-as-usual practices of waste-intensive manufacturing and use-it-and-throw- it-away consumption. Sham Recycling Today, "recycling" is very often used as a pretext for making profits from hazardous waste "disposal". Many "recyclers" make a majority of their profits from the mere act of taking the waste-- that is, providing the service of "disposal". These "recyclers" are paid to receive waste because of its known hazard. Increasingly, as more waste streams are banned from landfilling or incineration, recycling processes are seen by industry as the only remaining waste escape route. Because almost any waste can be claimed to be of "use" to the poorest segments of our society, it is easy to claim some form of recycling pretext when exporting to poorer, less regulated communities and countries. Most often these "uses" are designed around real needs of the countries involved, with little reference to the inherent dangers. Most common examples include utilising hazardous wastes to create energy or as road-building material. But much more outlandish proposals are made as well, including the creation of construction material, fertiliser, and even the use of wastes to raise the level of Pacific islands in order to counter the effects of global warming and rising sea levels! Dirty Recycling While some waste traders use the word "recycling" as a blatant pretext in order to take advantage of legal loopholes or relaxed government scrutiny, more "legitimate" forms of hazardous waste recycling (for example, metals reclamation or plastics recycling) also involve dangerous worker exposure or the dumping of toxic material on the environment of the importing country. Wastes bound for recovery operations are no less dangerous than wastes bound for "final disposal". And, given the fact that recycled wastes are usually handled more, they actually present a greater threat to occupational health and safety than wastes destined for outright dumping. Further, toxic residues from waste recycling operations often have a higher concentration of deadly chemicals than the original wastes from which they come. Inevitably, since nothing can be recycled absolutely 100 per cent, hazardous residues and emissions from any such processes are released as pollution on the receiving country's territory. While the rhetoric of recycling can sound wonderful on paper. However, if any delegates from meetings discussing it as an abstract solution to the waste crisis were to actually visit the facilities in Taiwan, the Philippines, Ukraine, Russia, Mexico, and Brazil for example, they would soon realise that something is very wrong with the recycling picture. The international trail of toxic waste has taken Greenpeace researchers to over 30 countries to witness waste importation facilities and sites. It has taken them to places like Cato Ridge, South Africa, where workers in a plant recycling imported mercury wastes have died and others still remain in hospital from irreparable mercury poisoning.They have seen lead batteries and PVC plastics melted down invariably without any protective clothing or breathing equipment. They have seen mountains of toxic residues from "recycling" operations engulfing people's homes. They have yet to find one recycling facility in a non-OECD country that could earn the description "environmentally sound". It is telling that over 100 countries, many of which have experienced the "joys" of hazardous waste recycling from the receiving end, have overwhelmingly rejected all forms of hazardous waste importation including any for recycling destinations. The Waste Empire Strikes Back Following the Piriapolis meeting, industry forces mobilised, in particular those of the scrap metal industry. The chemical industry is now recognised as being unopposed to a ban as they see all too well the serious public relations liability in allowing chemical waste exports to land on southern shores. Over the past decade however, the metal industries have found a niche for avoiding the high costs of landfill or recycling at home by exporting heavy metal residues, slags, and sludges to locations where labour costs are cheaper and environmental enforcement minimal. The scrap industry, either intentionally or in unwitting service to suppliers, exports metallic waste streams contaminated with heavy metals or organic compounds such as PCBs or dioxins. Rather than seeking means to ensure that the waste streams they export are devoid of toxic impurities, the scrap metal industry has seen fit to launch a strategy aimed at undermining international efforts to end the hazardous waste trade. The Bureau International de la Rcupration (BIR), which represents thousands of scrap metal reclamation businesses, finds itself at the forefront of the industrial lobby to defeat a full hazardous waste trade ban from OECD to non-OECD countries. The BIR uses the International Chamber of Commerce to lobby on its behalf at all Basel meetings. Even more effective, however, are the numerous approaches the BIR has made to its friends in the meetings, in particular the delegations of the "Sinister Seven" countries. And, more and more lobbyists representing the BIR are approaching non-OECD countries and the Basel Convention Secretariat to convince them that economic development based on hazardous waste importation may not be such a bad idea. Waste to East: The "Non-OECD" Question The Basel Convention, signed in March 1989, is a product of the Cold War era. The term "developing country", used throughout the Convention's text, no longer adequately incorporates all of the areas of the world that are vulnerable to economically-motivated transboundary toxic waste dumping. Prior to 1989, the economic and political barriers between East and West created a de facto ban on waste trade between those regions. Almost immediately following the collapse of the Berlin Wall, however, reports of Western hazardous wastes arriving in the new republics of Eastern and Central Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) became prevalent. Greenpeace has since published numerous dossiers documenting toxic waste traffic flowing from Western Europe to Russia, Romania, Hungary, Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic States, and Albania. In response, the governments of Albania, Bosnia Hercegovina, Croatia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovenia, and Ukraine, now support a ban on waste trade from OECD to non- OECD countries. These newly-independent republics all recognise the need to halt waste imports, even if historically they have never been called "developing" countries. It is for this reason that the more precise legal distinction of OECD and non-OECD (inclusive of Eastern and Central European countries) is the proper determiner between sender and recipient to which any ban must apply. However, it is becoming increasingly clear, that certain "Sinister Seven" countries--most notably Finland and Germany-- continue to look eastward and steadfastly refuse to adopt language banning waste shipments to "non-OECD countries". The issue, of banning waste shipments to all "non-OECD" rather than just "developing" countries, is thus likely to be a contentious point in the March 1994 meeting. Will the Convention change its language to reflect the new global reality of the devastated economies of Central and Eastern Europe? It will be a Pyrrhic victory indeed if waste exports are banned to the South, while Western Europe is allowed to continue pouring its toxic wastes into the already ravaged environments of Eastern Europe. ACHIEVING A GLOBAL BAN IN BASEL It is a grave abuse and an offence against the solidarity of humanity when industrial enterprises of rich countries profit from the weak economies and legislation of poorer countries by exporting dirty technologies and wastes which degrade the environment and health of the population. --Pope John Paul II, October 22nd 1993, Rome. The scandalous international waste trade has held a mirror of conscience and doubt before the faces of the northern industrialised powers. Probably no recent environmental offence has demonstrated more clearly the unsustainable excesses of industrialisation and consumerism, or the undeniable link between environmental destruction and the global inequity of wealth. The hazardous waste trade uniquely disturbs both our physical and ethical well-being. It represents a poisoning by pollution and of principle. While dealing out shock treatment to our environmentally bankrupt, throw-away society, it underscores the moral as well as environmental threats posed by an unleashed "free market". In the wake of the "death ships", the world not only saw barrels on the beaches, they recognised the profanity of the hazardous effluent of the affluent hurting those least responsible in a new form of colonialism. The global response has been a steady but growing repudiation of the trade. Today 103 non-OECD countries have full hazardous waste import bans. Three regional conventions (Lom IV, Bamako, Central American Agreement) have been adopted, prohibiting waste imports into non-OECD countries. Three more legal instruments banning waste trade are in the process of being drafted (South Pacific Forum, Barcelona Convention, and the Commission for Protection of the Southern Pacific). And three more agreements to achieve regional bans are now in the planning stages (Black Sea Convention, Association of South East Asian Nations, and the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean). Considering how slowly governments move in relation to environmental dilemmas, the sheer volume of recent legislation represents a political tidal wave. But what is still missing is a total global ban on exports North to South, and West to East. Despite its minimalist origins, the Basel Convention is now poised to plug the recycling loophole and adopt a total ban on this most flagrant form of the international trade in hazardous wastes. The Basel Convention is committed to the principle of requiring "environmentally sound management of hazardous waste". But we ask: can it ever be considered environmentally sound management for rich technologically advanced countries to dump their hazardous waste on countries with even fewer resources and capability to manage them, while at the same time avoiding the responsibility to prevent waste generation at source? The answer is that economically motivated waste trade such as that moving from North to South or from West to East will always work in contradiction to the goal of environmentally sound management of hazardous waste. A prohibition of waste exports will provide incentives to finally force the implementation of waste prevention. This has already proven to be the case in Germany, where the industrial use of toxic halogenated solvents has been reduced from 180,000 tonnes in 1989 to 50,000 tonnes in 1992 after Germany banned their disposal by incineration at sea in 1990. Since that time industry has discovered new innovative approaches such as the use of ultra sound de-greasing, rapeseed oil, and water based solvents to minimise the use of toxic solvents. By closing the last of the global escape valves the hazardous wastes of industrialised countries, all of the global community-- North and South, East and West--will gain, and we can move into the next century thinking about exporting the best products of technological development, rather than the worst by-products. END