Unfortunately, I do not have the name of the person who summarized this article. [Perhaps he/she is on Usenet]
--begin included article--
Paraphrased and summarized from The Effect of Intelligence on Religious Faith, Burnham P. Beckwith, _Free Inquiry_, Spring 1986:
1. Thomas Howells, 1927 Study of 461 students showed religiously conversative students "are, in general, relatively inferior in intellectual ability."
2. Hilding Carlsojn, 1933 Study of 215 students showed that "there is a tendency for the more intelligent undergraduate to be sympathetic toward ... atheism."
3. Abraham Franzblau, 1934 Confirming Howells and Carlson, tested 354 Jewish children, 10-16. Negative correlation between religiosity and Terman intelligence test.
4. Thomas Symington, 1935 Tested 400 young people in colleges and church groups. He reported, "there is a constant positive relation in all the groups between liberal religious thinking and mental ability...There is also a constant positive relation between liberal scores and intelligence..."
5. Vernon Jones, 1938 Tested 381 stydents, concluding "a slight tendency for intelligence and liberal attitudes to go together."
6. A. R. Gilliland, 1940 At variance with all other studies, found "little or no relationship between intelligence and attitude toward god."
7. Donald Gragg, 1942 Reported an inverse correlation between 100 ACE freshman test scores and Thurstone "reality of god" scores.
8. Brown and Love, 1951 At U. of Denver, tested 613 male and female students. Mean test scores of non-believers = 119, believers = 100. Percentile NBs = 80, BBs = 50. Their findings "strongly corroborate those of Howells."
9. Michael Argyle, 1958 Concluded that "although intelligent children grasp religious concepts earlier, they are also the first to doubt the truth of religion, and intelligent students are much less likely to accept orthodox beliefs."
10. Jeffrey Hadden, 1963 Found no correlation between intelligence and grades. This was an anomalous finding, since GPA corresponds closely with intelligence. Other factors may have influenced the results at the U. of Wisconsin.
11. Young, Dustin and Holtzman, 1966 Average religiosity decreased as GPA rose.
12. James Trent, 1967 Polled 1400 college seniors. Found little difference, but high-ability students in his sample group were over-represented.
13. C. Plant and E. Minium, 1967 The more intelligent students were less religious, both before entering college and after 2 years of college.
14. Robert Wuthnow, 1978 Of 532 students, 37% of christians, 58% of apostates, and 53 percent of non-religious scored above average on SATs.
15. Hastings and Hoge, 1967, 1974 Polled 200 college students and found no significant correlations.
16. Norman Poythress, 1975 Mean SATs for strongly antireligious (1148), moderately anti- religious (1119), slightly antireligious (1108), and religious (1022).
17. Wiebe and Fleck, 1980 Studied 158 male and female Canadian university students. The reported "nonreligious S's tended to be strongly intelligent" and "more intelligent than religious S's.
Student Body Comparisons-
1. Rose Goldsen, Student belief in a divine god, percentages 1952. Harvard 30; UCLA 32; Dartmouth 35; Yale 36; Cornell 42; Wayne 43; Weslyan 43; Michigan 45; Fisk 60; Texas 62; N. Carolina 68.
2. National Review Study, 1970 Students Belief in Spirit or Divine God. Percentages: Reed 15; Brandeis 25; Sarah Lawrence 28; Williams 36; Stanford 41; Boston U. 41; Yale 42; Howard 47; Indiana 57; Davidson 59; S. Carolina 65; Marquette 77.
3. Caplovitz and Sherrow, 1977 Apostasy rates rose continuously from 5% in "low" ranked schools to 17% in "high" ranked schools.
Niemi, Ross, and Alexander, 1978 In elite schools, organized religion was judged important by only 26%, compared with 44% of all students.
Studies of Very-High-IQ groups.
1. Terman, 1959 Studied group with IQ > 140. Of men, 10% held strong religious belief, of women 18%. 62% of men and 57% if women claimed "little religious inclination" while 28% men and 23% of women claimed it was "not at all important."
2. Warren and Heist, 1960 Found no differences among National Merit Scholars. Results may have been affected by the fact that NM scholars are not selected on the basis of intelligence or grades alone, but also on "leadership" and such like.
3. Southern and Plant, 1968 42 male and 30 female members of Mensa. Mensa members were much less religious in belief than the typical American college alumnus or adult.
1. William S. Ament, 1927 C. C. Little, president U. of Michigan, checked persons listed in _Who's Who in America_: "Unitarians, Episcopalians, Congregationalists, Universalists, and Presbyterians are ... far more numerous in _Who's Who_ than would be expercted on the basis of the population which they form. Baptists, Methodists, and Catholics are distinctly less numberous."
Ament confirmed Little's conclusion. He noted that Unitarians, the least religious, were more than 40 times as numerous in _W'sW_ as in the U.S. population.
2. Lehman and Witty, 1931 Identified 1189 scientists found in both _Who's Who_ (1927) and _American Men of Science_ (1927). Only 25% in _AM of S_ and 50% of those listed in _W'sW_ reported their religious denomination despite the specific requests to do so, "religious denomination (if any)." Well over 90% of the general population claims religious affiliation. The figure of 25% suggest far less religiosity among scientists.
Unitarians were 81.4 times as numerous among eminent scientists as non-Unitarians.
3. Kelley and Fisk, 1951 Found a negative (-.39) correlation between the strength of religious values and research competence. [How these were measured I have no idea.]
4. Ann Roe, 1953 Interviewed 64 "eminent scientists, nearly all members of the prestigious National Academy of Sciences or the American Philosophical Society. She reported that, while nearly all of them had religious parents and had attended Sunday school, 'now only three of these men are seriously active in church. A few others attend upon occasion, or even give some financial support to a church which they do not attend... All the otheres have long since dismissed religion as any guide to them, and the church plays no part in their lives...A few are militantly atheistic, but most are just not interested.'"
5. Francis Bello, 1954 Questionnaired or interviewed 107 young (<= 40) nonindustrial scientists judged by senior colleagues to be outstanding. 87 responded. 45% claimed to be "agnostic or atheistic" and an additional 22% claimed no religious affiliation. For 20 most eminent, "the proportion who are now a-religious is considerably higher than in the entire survey group."
6. Jack Chambers, 1964 Questionnaired 740 US psychologists and chemists. He reported, "the highly creative men [jft- assume no women included] ... significantly more often show either no preference for a particular religion or little or no interest in religion." Found that the most eminent psychologists showed 40% no preference, 16% for the most eminent chemists.
7. Vaughan, Smith, and Sjoberg, 1965 Polled 850 US physicists, zoologists, chemical engineers, and geologists listed in _American Men of Science_ (1955) on church membership, and attendance patterns, and belief in afterlife. 642 replies.
38.5% did not believe in afterlife, 31.8% did. Belief in immortality was less common among major university staff than among those employed by business, government, or minor universities. The contemporaneous Gallup poll showed 2/3 of US population believed in afterlife, so scientists were far less religious than typical adult.
>From Beckwith's concluding remarks:
Conclusions In this essay I have reviewed: (1)sixteen studies of the correlation between individual measures of student intelligence and religiosity, all but three of which reported an inverse correlation. (2) five studies reporting that student bodies with high average IQ and/or SAT scores are much less religious than inferior student bodies;(3)three studies reporting that geniuses (IQ 150+) are much less religious than the general public (Average IQ, 100), and one dubious study,(4)seven studies reporting that highly successful persons are much less religious in belief than are others; and (5) eight old and four new Gallup polls revealing that college alumni (average IQ about 115) are much less religious in belief than are grade-school pollees.
I have also noted that many studies have shown that students become less religious as they proceed through college, probably in part because average IQ rises.
All but four of the forty-three polls I have reviewed support the conclusion that native intelligence varies inversely with degree of religious faith; i.e., that, other factors being equal, the more intelligent a person is, the less religious he is. It is easy to find fault with the studies I have reviewed, for all were imperfect. But the fact that all but four of them supported the general conclusion provides overwhelming evidence that, among American students and adults, the amount of religious faith tends to vary inversely and appreciably with intelligence.
There are no entirely satisfactory measures of intelligence, nor even satisfactory definitions of what is to be measured. Intelligence seems be something, though, and every tack we take in trying to catch the elusive winds of thought carries us further toward workable definitions. Is intelligence a good memory, the ability to sculpt, make a diving catch in center field, play blindfold chess, construct sentences of "learned length and thundering sound", or time a punchline?
SAT tests, IQ tests, success in life, measures of fame and esteem in peer groups all fail to give that satisfying, final readout of how smart or stupid any given person is. The evidence we have indicates that the more we know about the real world, the less likely we are to believe in an imaginary one. ÿ