
 part 3 of 4


           OLD NAZIS, THE NEW RIGHT, AND THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION
  

                           PART THREE - SECTION 1  

                           Allies and Allegiances  


   "Perhaps what is most wrong with the World Anti-Communist  League is what 
it hides behind and what it has rejected. In the  name of anti-communism, it 
has embraced those responsible for  death squads, apartheid, torture, and the 
extermination of  European Jewry. Along the way, it has repudiated democratic 
government as a viable alternative, either to govern or to combat communism." 


                          --Scott Anderson & Jon Lee Anderson, 
                            <Inside the League>, Dodd, Mead & Company, 1986  


 - Roger Pearson, the White House and Racialism -  

  When journalists first saw the White House fundraising letter dated April 
14, 1982, written for Roger Pearson and signed by Ronald Reagan, it was 
thought to be a fluke. Since Pearson, a former leader of the World 
Anti-Communist League, was a world-renowned racialist with a long history of 
associations with neo-Nazi groups and individuals, a White House repudiation 
of the letter was expected when the problem was discovered. After all, it was 
the summer of 1984, and who would want Reagan connected in any way with an 
advocate of racial extermination policies before the November elections? 

  <The Wall Street Journal>, however, pursued the story and found out that the
White House itself was unwilling to repudiate the letter, or Pearson. [F-206] 
White House staff did say Pearson would be asked to stop using the letter. 

  Anson Franklin, an assistant presidential press secretary, added "the 
president has long held views opposing racial discrimination in any form, and 
he would never condone anything to the contrary. But that's a general 
statement; I'm not addressing Dr. Pearson specifically."  

  When Roger Pearson first visited the U.S. in 1958, he didn't seem a likely 
candidate to receive White House favors. At the time he was the London-based 
organizer of the Northern League, [f-207] a white supremacist European 
organization that included former Nazi SS officials. The League was inclined 
toward Nordic, pre-Christian pagan culture. [f-208] 

  Pearson's first American visit was arranged by <Right> magazine, edited by 
Willis Carto. The magazine was an endorser of the American Nazi Party. [F-209]
<Right> called Pearson "the world's foremost spokesman for the scientific and 
forward looking view of nationalism. He is held in renown by white 
nationalists the world over." [F-210] 

  Pearson moved to the U.S. in 1965, merging his magazine <Northern World> 
with a Willis Carto publication to form <Western Destiny>, which Pearson 
edited for a short time. [F-211] The magazine had over two dozen racialists 
and anti-Semites on its masthead, including Austin App and C. M. Goethe, 
honorary president of the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies. [f-212] 
Pearson published four monographs in 1966 that represent the core of his
ideas. One monograph, titled <Race and Civilization>, was "based on Professor 
Hans F. K. Gunther's <Racial Elements of European Civilization>." [F-213] 
Gunther was a top Third Reich racial theoretician and Pearson associate from 
the Northern League. [f-214] 

  In <Eugenics and Race>, published in 1966, Pearson's writing reached the 
logical end of racial hatred: 

 "If a nation with a more advanced, more specialized, or in any way superior 
set of genes mingles with, instead of exterminating, an inferior tribe, then 
it commits racial suicide. .. . [f-215]" 

  Pearson's monographs are still offered by neo-Nazi booksellers today. 
[f-216] <The Wall Street Journal> quoted Pearson as saying "I'm not ashamed of
anything I've said or written." [F-217] 

  Pearson moved to Washington in 1975. Within a year his Council on American 
Affairs was sponsoring seminars and publishing monographs with persons such as
Edwin Fuelner, president of the Heritage Foundation; Ray Cline, former C.I.A. 
deputy director; and others who would later become high officials of the 
Reagan Administration. [f-218] His Council also became the U.S. chapter of the
World Anti-Communist League (WACL), an international network including 
fascists, followers of the authoritarian Korean cult-leader Rev. Sun Myung 
Moon, and neo-Nazis. [f-219] 

  Pearson became the editor of the American Security Council's <Journal of 
International Relations> [F-220] and served on the board of the ASC's American
Foreign Policy Institute. [f-221] His <Journal> co-editors were James Jesus 
Angleton, former C.I.A. deputy director for counterintelligence, and Robert C.
Richardson III, the retired Air Force general who worked in the Air Force's 
Politico- Military covert operations branch. At the time he was working with 
the ASC and Pearson, Richardson was also aiding the Wilson-Terpil operations 
to Libya, involving secret gunrunning and explosives transfers. He was also 
active in various ASC-spawned groups, such as the Security and Intelligence 
Fund and Coalition for Peace through Strength. The Council on American 
Affairs> is also a member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. 

  Pearson was a member of the editorial board of <Policy Review>, the monthly 
Heritage Foundation magazine, during this period. In 1977, Heritage officials 
reciprocated, joining Pearson's <Journal of Social and Economic Studies>. When
Pearson decided to host the 1978 World Anti-Communist League (WACL) conference
in Washington, D.C., he was well established with American and European Nazi 
networks, as well as the far right of the Republican Party and the New Right. 
The WACL meeting was not a total success for Pearson, however. The <Washington
Post> warned of "The Fascist Specter" behind WACL and highlighted the 
conference participation of an Italian fascist party, American neo-Nazis, and 
Pearson's own racialist background. [F-222] Pearson's name soon disappeared 
from the <Policy Review> masthead. However, ASC president John Fisher, who 
addressed the WACL meeting, [F-223] did not drop Pearson from the American 
Foreign Policy Institute board. 

  In a sense, the Pearson-Heritage link wasn't severed either. Heritage's 
director for domestic issues, Stuart Butler, joined Pearson's <Journal>, as 
did right-wing sociologist Ernest van den Haag of <National Review>, who is on
the editorial board of the Heritage Foundation's <Policy Review>. 

  When van den Haag was asked in 1984 about his Pearson association, he said 
he didn't remember the journal at first, but several minutes later insisted it
wasn't a racist publication. 

  Van den Haag is apparently not offended by a little racialism himself. "I 
support the voluntary sterilization proposals of William Shockley," he 
volunteered in a 1984 interview. Van den Haag wrote a monograph on the 1954 
Supreme Court desegregation decision which argued that the decision was wrong.
He has also claimed that Blacks are inferior to whites: "I am all in favor of 
improving the quality of education for all. But this can be done only if 
pupils are separated according to ability (whatever determines it). And this 
means very largely according to race." [f-224] Van den Haag's writings have 
been distributed for years by the International Association for the 
Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics (IAAEE), a racialist organization on 
whose executive board van den Haag served. [f-225] 

  <Journal> associate Stuart Butler simply insisted that Pearson was not a 
racist. Donald Senese, also associated with Pearson's <Journal> and a former 
Department of Education official, insisted that Pearson wasn't a racist, and 
that his monographs were written long ago. When he was told that Pearson 
continues to defend his writings, he said that "this interview isn't going 
anywhere," and hung up the phone. Pearson continues to publish a racialist 
journal, <Mankind Quarterly>, which uses body and head measurements, such as 
the cephalic index, to identify "ideal types" among races. He also publishes 
the <Journal of Indo-European Studies> through his Institute for the Study of 
Man. He maintained contact with European racialists not only through WACL, but
also as a board member of <Nouvelle Ecole>, a French highbrow neo-Nazi group. 
[F-226] 

  After the <Wall Street Journal> story, Pearson's <Journal of Social, 
Political and Economic Studies>, which is co-published by George Mason 
University, added two officials of former Interior Secretary and New Right 
activist James Watt's >Mountain States Legal Foundation. [F-227] Pearson was 
elected to head University Professors for Academic Order (UPAO), a group that 
includes many members of the Heritage Foundation, the Reagan Administration 
and the Mont Pelerin Society. [f-228] The latter is a group of about 500 
ultraconservatives whose best known economists, Milton Friedman and Friedrich 
von Hayek, were architects of the economy of Pinochet's Chile. Both advocated 
a form of dictatorship as part of the economic plan. Heritage Foundation 
president Edwin Fuelner is treasurer of the Society. Another board member of 
UPAO, white supremacist Ralph Scott, a former vice-president of DANK, [f-229] 
the Nazi-apologists, recently became head of UPAO. Scott, who has praised the 
book <Dispossessed Majority>, [F-230] a white-supremacist discourse, was named
to the Iowa Civil Rights Advisory Commission in 1981 by the Reagan 
Administration. Scott later become chair of the Iowa group, which advises the 
U.S. Civil Rights Commission, but stepped down in 1988 after an article by 
Barry Mehler in <The Nation> revealed his background. [F-231] Scott and 
Pearson have also received tens of thousands of dollars from the Pioneer Fund,
[f-232] which assists researchers attempting to prove Black inferiority. 
[f-233] 

  One well-connected Pearson associate is Sam Crutchfield, who has been the 
attorney for the racialist IAAEE, for a number of Jesse Helms' organizations, 
and for Pearson's Institute for the Study of Man. [f-234] In addition to 
serving on the Editorial Advisory Board of a Pearson publication, Crutchfield,
an attorney, set up the Institute for Democracy, Education and Assistance 
(IDEA) on behalf of Oliver North and his courier, Robert Owen. [f-235] 

  Pearson has friends at the American Security Council, the Heritage 
Foundation, and among Reagan appointees, as well as several aides to Jesse 
Helms. [f-236] He is connected to a network of academic racialists in the U.S.
and abroad. Long-established ties to Saudi Arabia, Korea, Taiwan and South 
America from his WACL days continue to serve him well. When the <Wall Street 
Journal> article came out five weeks before the election, the White House
decided to stick with Pearson. He was apparently still seen as part of the 
Reagan team. 

  Senator Alfonse D'Amato wrote a plank into the proposed 1984 GOP platform 
denouncing "those who preach all forms of hatred, bigotry, racism and 
anti-Semitism." [f-237] A statement from his office added, "there should never
be room for compromise on issues like this.. ..Racism and anti-Semitism must 
be condemned outright -- without hesitation." [f-238] D'Amato declined all 
comment on the Pearson-White House ties. 

  When George Bush denounced Walter Mondale a week before the 1984 election as
soft on anti-Semitism, no one looked at Reagan's ties to Roger Pearson, one of
the foremost Nazi apologists in America and clearly one of the best-connected 
racialists in the world.   


                           PART THREE - SECTION 2 

                           Allies and Allegiances 


  - The ASC and the World Anti-Communist League - 

  The American Security Council not only has ties to the aggressively 
pro-military network warned of by Senator Fulbright, but ASC is also one of 
the key U.S. links to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The League, 
described extensively in a 1986 book, <Inside The League>, is an umbrella 
group for Latin American death squad leaders, Hitler collaborators, followers 
of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, rightist dictatorships, and anti-Semitic 
activists, some of whom are connected to the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. [F-239]
As early as 1978 The <Washington Post> described the fascist and neo-Nazi 
elements affiliated with WACL. The <Post> article carried the headline: "The 
Fascist Specter Behind The World Anti-Red League." [F-240] In 1984 the 
unsavory elements of WACL were detailed in a series of columns by Jack 
Anderson. [f-241] Alternative publications since 1978 have carried articles 
about the fascist and Nazi undercurrents in WACL. [f-242] 

  Despite this journalistic record, when the World Anti-Communist League was 
named in the "Iran Contragate" congressional hearings into the Contra supply 
networks of Oliver North, not one major news outlet reported the fascist 
constituencies within WACL or the leading role played in WACL by followers of 
Sun Myung Moon. 

  Moon, of course, is no friend of democracy. He is a theocratic authoritarian
who considers himself the Son of God and the new Messiah. Moon and his many 
front organizations have long been used by the Korean CIA as a lobbying and 
propaganda vehicle to advance the twin goals of maintaining high levels of 
U.S. military and economic aid, despite successive repressive regimes in South
Korea and the continued presence of U.S. armed forces in South Korea. Moon's 
organizations have supported WACL financially and have helped solidify 
cooperation between WACL and members of the American political right wing. 
[f-243] 

  Since 1970 there have been three organizations that have served as the U.S. 
branch of WACL. All three are in the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through 
Strength: 

 - THE AMERICAN COUNCIL FOR WORLD FREEDOM was, from 1970 to 1975, WACL's U.S. 
affiliate. Composed of 35 U.S. groups, it was formed at the urging of Taiwan. 
Its first chairman was ASC's John Fisher. [f-244]

 - THE COUNCIL ON AMERICAN AFFAIRS was the second U.S. branch of WACL from 
1975 to 1980. It was chaired by racialist Roger Pearson, who had strong ASC 
links throughout that period. 

 - THE U.S. COUNCIL FOR WORLD FREEDOM (USCWF) was formed in 1981 by retired 
Major General John Singlaub. It immediately became the third group to serve as
the U.S. branch of WACL. While Singlaub was Field Education director for the 
ASC for the next three years, he cultivated USCWF and personal contacts 
abroad.
  Singlaub attended the August, 1981 WACL meeting in Taiwan. [f-245] On June 
25, 1982 he told the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) [described in detail
later in this report] meeting in Munich, Germany that it was his "objective to
organize all anti-communist forces in the world, so as to not only contain 
this communist threat, but to bring about its final and {unequivocal demise}" 
[emphasis in the original], according to a paraphrased remark in an ABN 
periodical. [f-246] In 1984, Singlaub assumed the role of Chairman of the 
World Anti-Communist League. 

  Although Singlaub began devoting his time to WACL, he kept the ASC briefed 
on his activities. Fisher served on the USCWF advisory board and Singlaub 
served on three ASC boards. The ASC is also one of 17 member organizations of 
the Coalition for World Freedom, the political action arm of the U.S. Council 
for World Freedom. At the 1984 WACL conference the ASC was also represented by
Sam Dickens, who sat on a Contra aid panel. Another panel, concerned with 
aiding UNITA in Angola, reached the conclusion it was advisable to consult 
with Fisher on the best way to proceed with pressuring Gulf/Chevron Oil out of
Angola. Other ASC leaders also participated in the WACL meeting. 

  WACL was considered an important vehicle for Reagan's Central America 
policy. The White House sent warm greetings to the 1984 meeting in San Diego. 
[f-247] A U.S. military honor guard was also provided, as had been the case 
with other USCWF events in previous years. The White House sent R. Lynn 
Rylander, Deputy Director of the International Security Agency in the 
Pentagon, who kept the White House briefed on events as the meeting 
progressed. [f-248] His boss, Neal Koch, served as the Pentagon's 
representative on a panel coordinating assistance to the Contras, in concert 
with Oliver North.  

  At the 1984 WACL meeting, Singlaub announced the launching of the private 
aid campaign for the Contras. WACL, he declared, was going to lead efforts 
around the world on behalf of the Contra cause. 

  Singlaub planned to approach the Taiwan and South Korean dictatorships for 
Contra aid. The <New York Times> reported that Singlaub told Congress that 
Assistant Secretary of State Abrams had "told him not to make the request, 
explaining that it would be made instead `at the highest level,' which 
Singlaub said he believed meant the White House." Holly Sklar, in her book 
<Washington's War on <Nicaragua>, cites testimony from the Iran-Contra 
hearings and concludes that Singlaub did approach both Taiwan and South Korea 
for Contra aid and then passed those contacts on to Oliver North. [F-249] Both
Taiwan and South Korea have historically assumed leadership roles and provided
substantial funds for WACL, as has the Saudi Arabian monarchy. 

  The Canadian branch of WACL, the Canadian Freedom Foundation, headed by John
Gamble, works closely with the U.S. Council for World Freedom (USCWF) and 
Singlaub. Together USCWF and the Canadian Freedom Foundation form the North 
American Regional unit of WACL (NARWACL). Gamble and Singlaub alternate as 
chair of NARWACL. Gamble was implicated in the Iran-Contra funding network 
when a firm for which he served as treasurer and director, Vertex Investments,
was discovered to have invested in the arms sale to Iran through two of his 
partners. The Canadian Freedom Foundation (CFF) and Vertex both operate out of
Gamble's law office. [f-250] 

  At least two CFF leaders are active anti-Semites: Pat Walsh is the Canadian 
correspondent for the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby newspaper the <Spotlight> 
[F-251] and Paul Fromm helped found the neo-Nazi Western Guard. [f-252] 

  The Western Guard is led by John Ross Taylor, who served 51 months in 
detention for pro-Nazi activities during WWII. [f-253] Taylor also leads 
Canadian contingents to Aryan Nations meetings, including a commemoration of 
the deaths of members of The Order, a paramilitary offshoot of Aryan Nations 
that engaged in robberies and murder in its effort to overthrow the U.S. 
Government. [f-254] 

  Shortly after the 1984 WACL conference, the National Security Council 
recommended that Reagan approve a plan that made Singlaub "the chief 
`authorized' contact for private fund raising," according to the Associated 
Press. His selection, due to "his military background and international 
connections," was verbally approved by President Reagan. [f-255]  


                           PART THREE - SECTION 3 

                           Allies and Allegiances 


  - Ukrainian Nationalism and Nazi Collaboration - 

  In 1983, the White House proved that a Nazi whose organization collaborated 
with SS units and mass murder, and who helped maintain a Nazi organization for
four decades, can still be an honored guest of the President. [f-256] 

  Yaroslav Stetsko was the source of that lesson. Stetsko, who died in July 
1986, worked with intelligence agencies of Nazi Germany, and briefly 
established himself as a pro-Nazi premier of the Ukraine under German military
occupation. [f-257] 

  The Ukraine, now a Republic of the Soviet Union, is an Eastern European 
region of lush farmland that has a long history of nationalist fervor. During 
the rise of European fascism after World War I, some Ukrainian nationalist 
groups tied their hopes to fascism as an ideology, and then collaborated with 
Hitler and Nazism in World War II. 

  One Ukrainian nationalist group was the Organization of Ukrainian 
Nationalists (OUN) which split into two organizations: a less militant wing, 
led by Andrew Melnyk and known as OUN-M, and the extremist group of Stepan 
Bandera, known as OUN-B. The Nazis preferred the radical nationalist OUN-B. 
[f-258] During the German military occupation, the Ukraine witnessed terrible 
atrocities against Jews and other groups targeted by Nazi policies. The OUN-B 
organized military units that participated in these atrocities. With the 
collapse of the Third Reich, many Ukrainian collaborationists fled their 
homeland. 

  After the war, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B), a
clandestine group financed in part by German intelligence and led by Stetsko, 
accelerated its work in the West. A secretive group, OUN-B's tracks are 
difficult to follow. "You have to understand. We are an underground 
organization. We have spent years quietly penetrating positions of influence,"
explained an OUN-B member who insisted on anonymity. The positions of
influence under discussion were Reagan Administration appointments. All of the
OUN-B's key Administration contacts were through an organization called the 
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), headquartered in New York 
City. 

  The UCCA is described as heavily influenced but not totally controlled by 
the OUN-B. Supposedly an umbrella organization of Ukrainian-American groups, 
there are groups within UCCA that are complete OUN-B fronts. [f-259] 

  The White House had looked favorably on the Ukrainian Congress Committee of 
America, appointing its chairman, Lev Dobriansky, Ambassador to the Bahamas in
1983. Dobriansky is a longtime ASC official. His daughter Paula was put on the
National Security Council. George Nesterczuk, former director of the Ukrainian
National Information Service (UNIS), which is the Washington, D.C. affiliate 
of the UCCA, was appointed deputy director of the Office of Personnel 
Management. In 1984 he became Deputy Director of the U.S. Information Agency. 
[f-260] 

  In 1984, Bohdan Futey, head of the Cleveland branch of the UCCA and a 
Republican Heritage Groups Council activist, was appointed head of the U.S. 
Foreign Claims Commission. [f-261] Futey and Nesterczuk are described as the 
contact points between the OUN-B and the White House. [f-262] The top OUN-B 
leader for external affairs in the United States is Bohdan Fedorak, who also 
chairs the Southeast Michigan UCCA branch. He maintains contacts with Futey 
and Nesterczuk. It was through this network that arrangements were made for 
Reagan to make a campaign stop in October, 1984 at the Ukrainian Cultural 
Center in the Detroit suburb of Warren, Michigan. [f-263] The Center is headed
by Fedorak, who has been a delegate to WACL conferences for many years as a 
lieutenant of the Stetskos. [f-264] 

  In 1985 the UCCA's Committee on Foreign Affairs, chaired by Fedorak, 
continued pressing Congress against the Office of Special Investigations, the 
Justice Department unit charged with bringing action against suspected Nazi 
war criminals and collaborators in the United States. Futey and Nesterczuk are
also members of that committee. [f-265] Such agitation on behalf of suspected 
war criminals and mass murderers did not deter the State Department's 
Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) from working with the 
National Captive Nations Committee, co-sponsoring a series of hearings on 
human rights problems in the Soviet Union in June, 1986. [f-266] 

  The Captive Nations Committee is essentially an OUN-B front that operates 
out of the UNIS office in Washington, D.C. It has local affiliates around the 
country (Fedorak chairs the Detroit committee), but the UNIS office told an 
interviewer that the National Captive Nations Committee had been inactive. 
Committee literature available in the office was at least four years old. No 
current board of directors was available. A UNIS employee considered it a 
paper organization. The hearings held jointly by the State Department and 
Captive Nations in Detroit were hosted by Fedorak at his Ukrainian Cultural 
Center. [f-267]

  The UCCA is also a member of ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength. 
Like so many elements of the Coalition and the American Security Council, it 
is networked into the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The masthead of the 
UCCA's <Ukrainian Quarterly> lists several representatives from Taiwan and 
Korea, both major funders of WACL. [F-268] 

  Wherever the OUN-B has political involvement, the UCCA seems to be its 
representative. In the U.S. Council for World Freedom, chaired by Singlaub, 
the OUN-B is represented by Secretary-General Walter Chopiwskyj (who has also 
organized the Republican Heritage Groups Council in Arizona and is president
of the national Captive Nations Committee). [f-269] The only public indication
of the OUN-B presence in the UCCA is in the U.S. Council for World Freedom's 
political arm, the Coalition for World Freedom, of which the UCCA is a member.
[f-270] The Council is the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League, in 
which the Stetskos play a major role. [f-271] 

  The UCCA has also played a leading role in opposing federal investigations 
of suspected Nazi war criminals since those queries got underway in the late 
1970's. [f-272] Some UCCA members have many reasons to worry -- reasons which 
began in the 1930's. 

  Even before Hitler came to power, the German Nazi Party was seeking and 
working with like-minded political groups around the world. By the time the 
Nazis came to power, the OUN was one group that received money and training 
from Germany. [f-273] The OUN-B was not only an instrument to aid Hitler's war
aims against the Soviet Union, but also to serve his intelligence agencies in 
the United States. 

  There are Ukrainian communities within most large urban population centers 
in the United States. In the 1930's, German military intelligence worked with 
the OUN as it established and financed a variety of front organizations to 
provide cover for propaganda and espionage activities in the United States. In
each city with a Ukrainian community, the OUN established cells. The great 
majority of Ukrainian-Americans had no idea of the OUN agenda. Newspapers and 
organizations were taken over -- one such newspaper even printed instructions 
on how to make a homemade bomb.  

  According to <Sabotage>, a 1942 book on Axis spy and sabotage operations in 
the U.S., the OUN was "set up under the supervision of the Intelligence 
Department of the German War Office." Other authors argue that the OUN was not
controlled by >German Intelligence to this extent, although OUN's military and
financial links to the Nazis are not in dispute. One U.S. Army captain who got
involved in stealing military secrets for the OUN lost his commission. [F-274]

  By far the greatest crimes of the Ukrainian nationalists were against other 
Ukrainians. The OUN-B internalized the ideology of their Nazi mentors, which 
included viewing the world in terms of racial nationalism. "Nationalism is 
based on feelings, which are carried by the racial blood," was the way one 
OUN-B publication explained their views on the subject. [f-275] In John 
Armstrong's <Ukrainian Nationalism>, OUN-B's views are described as having 
"tended to drive the movement still further in the direction of deification of
the mystic concept of the nation, even to the point of racism." [f-276] For 
those judged not to be pure Ukrainians, this meant trouble. 

  That trouble rolled in on the treads of German tanks in the Ukraine in June,
1941. Stetsko and German-commanded OUN-B militia arrived in the city of Lwow 
(Lvov) with them. [f-277] Stetsko declared a short-lived Ukrainian government,
with himself as premier, pledged to fight as an ally for Hitler's "New Order."

 In <The War Against The Jews>, Lucy Dawidowicz writes that "In Lwow, the 
Germans and Ukrainians, in house to house hunts for Jews, shot them randomly 
on the spot." [F-278] She noted that later "the Ukrainians staged massive 
pogroms, slaughtering thousands and carrying off other thousands of Jews to 
[the German] <Einsatzgruppen> headquarters." [f-279] A concentration camp was 
also built in Lwow. An estimated 900,000 Jews disappeared from the Ukraine 
during the German occupation. [f-280] Heavy persecution of Poles also took 
place in this region, mirroring the German policy in Poland. 

  Militias and military units led by the OUN-B were involved with these 
crimes. [f-281] Although Stetsko was under an "honorary arrest" by the Germans
because the creation of the Stetsko regime hadn't been cleared by Berlin, he 
was still active in OUN-B affairs and was even allowed to travel. [f-282]

  Ever the Nazi ally, Stetsko was released from his arrest near the end of the
war to help organize resistance to the Soviet offensive that was rolling the 
German army back. The headlong retreat of the Germans began after their defeat
at Stalingrad at the end of 1942. In 1943, the Germans inspired their 
collaborators from the Ukraine, Bulgaria, Byelorussia and the Baltic countries
to form a Committee of Subjugated Nations to coordinate resistance activity 
against the Soviet army. [f-283] 

  The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America chooses to ignore the Ukrainian 
collaboration with the extermination of Poles and Jews. A 1984 article in 
their <Ukrainian Quarterly> praised Pavlo Shandruk, who was the Ukrainian 
General (under the Division's Commander-in-Chief German General Fritz Freytag)
of the 14th Waffen SS Galician Division during the final days of the war. 

 The Galician division was renamed the First Ukrainian Division of the 
Ukrainian National Army in April, 1945 -- two weeks before the German 
surrender. The Division remained under complete German military control during
WWII. [F-284] The Veterans of the First Ukrainian Division is a group member 
of the UCCA. [f-285] 

  When the Stetskos visited the White House on July 19, 1983, Reagan told them
that "Your struggle is our struggle. Your dream is our dream." [f-286] The 
Stetskos' dream, however, does not represent an alteration of their wartime 
goals. Slava Stetsko, for instance, wrote a forward to a book, <Captive 
Nations>, which offered a glossary of definitions of political terms: 

 "Anti-Semitism: A smear word used by Communists against those who effectively
oppose and expose them." 

 "Fascist: An anti-Communist." 

 "Nazi or Hitlerite: An active anti-Communist.[f-287]" 

  Slava Stetsko, who is the editor of ABN and OUN-B publications, described 
the book as "objective, factual" and "highly recommended." [f-288] 

  Further, the OUN-B "dream" includes a racial conception. Although it passes 
itself off as an anti-communist organization, its primary belief is 
anti-Russian. [f-289] As an OUN-B member described it: "The problem isn't 70 
years of Communism, it's 300 years of Russian imperialism." [f-290] Thus, 
Russian anti-communists are also seen as the enemy. Russians are not allowed 
to be part of the ABN, Captive Nations Committee, or World Anti-Communist 
League. <Captive Nations> says that "the Russian character" is to blame "for 
this overwhelming Russian desire for power, for expansion, for dictatorship." 
[f-291] Nicolas Nazarenko, the Cossack Republican organizer says, "Russian 
communists and anti-communists are all the same to me."[f-292] 

  The Ukrainian nationalists see a Ukrainian state under their control as 
having "ethnographic borders," as was originally proclaimed by a OUN-B 
Manifesto in December, 1940. [f-293] Put more simply, the OUN-B sees 
Ukrainians as a separate, classifiable race that have a right, when in power, 
to exclude others from the Ukraine's borders. The realities of that 
formulation were made bloodchillingly clear to the Poles and Jews in the 
region when the OUN-B had temporary power six months after the Manifesto was 
issued. 


                           PART THREE - SECTION 4 

                           Allies and Allegiances 


  - The Campaign Against OSI - 

  At the July, 1988 Captive Nations banquet in Michigan, Vice President Bush 
was introduced by Bohdan Fedorak [see photo], whose brief comments included a 
strong denunciation of the U.S. Justice Department's Office of Special 
Investigations (OSI). Bush nodded his agreement and applauded the comment. 

  There is perhaps no current issue which sets the emigre fascist network 
apart from mainstream American society more than the campaign against the 
Office of Special Investigations. 

  The OSI was established by a 1978 act of Congress to discover and deport 
Nazi war criminals who entered the U.S. after World War II. Almost immediately
the <Ukrainian Quarterly> (published by the Ukrainian Congress Committee of 
America) denounced OSI, as did the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby and the 
neo-fascist Lyndon LaRouche organization. Soon the Lithuanian-American 
Council, the American Lithuanian Community and the Joint Baltic American 
National Committee -- all members of the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through 
Strength -- joined in the anti-OSI campaign. Other Coalition for Peace Through
Strength groups that actively opposed the OSI pursuit of Nazi collaborators 
were the Byelorussian-American Association, Congress of Russian-Americans and 
the World Federation for a Free Latvia. [f-309] 

  While some organizations claimed they only opposed the methods employed by 
OSI, others called for its abolition. The specific method used by OSI which 
drew the sharpest criticism concerned the use of evidence from Soviet 
citizens, archives and prosecutors. Even though such evidence is independently
scrutinized and tested by the U.S. government and must meet U.S. rules of 
evidence in court, the anti-OSI groups call it "KGB evidence" without offering
any proof of their own to back up that assertion. All of the above groups 
claim there is an "OSI/KGB partnership." [f-310] None of the groups has 
supported the legal proceedings against even one suspected war criminal, even 
when the accused has publicly confessed his crimes. The charges of KGB plots, 
according to the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, appear to be a 
"propaganda smokescreen that seeks to exploit anti-communism," in an attempt 
to stop the OSI investigations and legal proceedings. [f-311] 

  Right-wing groups such as Accuracy in Media and individuals such as former 
Reagan advisor Patrick Buchanan and writer Joseph Sobran have joined in the 
anti-OSI campaign. 

  A New Hampshire organization, the American Freedom Company, which publishes 
a periodical called <The Truth>, began anti-OSI activity as early as 1982. 
[F-312] The group is a member organization of the Coalition for World Freedom,
the political arm of Singlaub's U.S. Council for World Freedom. [f-313] 

  The emigre fascists have employed a variety of methods to protect those 
charged with war crimes and to stop the OSI investigations. These methods 
include lobbying Congress and the White House, urging their respective ethnic 
communities not to cooperate with government investigators, and in some cases,
employing increasingly anti-Semitic propaganda and historical revisionism 
which denies the facts of the Nazi Holocaust. 

  The Lithuanian-American Council (LAC) is an example of a group that 
practices the latter technique. In 1979 the Council published a book that
blamed the Germans and the Jews but not the Lithuanians (other than a few 
"irresponsible Lithuanians with criminal inclinations") for the annihilation 
of Lithuanian Jews. [f-314] A 1986 book distributed by the LAC suggests that 
Jews brought persecution on themselves, [f-315] while another LAC-distributed 
book (available by mail order from LAC or from the literature rack at their 
offices in Chicago) praises pre-Christian, pagan Lithuania. [f-316] The 1975 
book, by Charles Pichel (see Order of St. John in Part 2) says that 
"Christianity has failed her [Lithuania] miserably and as a result, many 
Samogitians [Lithuanians] have turned to ancient, pagan prophecies as a guide 
and hope for their future." [f-317] 

  Why the Lithuanian-American Council promotes a brand of paganism used as the
basis for the racialist beliefs of Nordic chauvinists ranging from Nazi 
Heinrich Himmler to racialist Roger Pearson is in itself unclear, but then the
Lithuanian-American Council has never acknowledged -- much less condemned -- 
the brutal Lithuanian Greywolves organization and Lithuanian police units that
actively pursued the German Nazi policy of exterminating Jews, Russians and 
political opponents of the German military occupation in that region. 

  While these emigre organizations concern themselves with issues other than 
OSI, several groups have been formed for the specific purpose of stopping 
OSI's investigation and deportation of war criminals. One of these groups, the
Coalition for Constitutional Justice and Security (CCJS), is a member of the 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength. It has called for a suspension of OSI 
activities and the "initiation of public inquiries into possible links between
OSI, FBI, KGB, extremeist [sic] groups." [f-318] CCJS is led by Anthony and 
Danute Mazeika, who helped arrange the 1986 Republican Heritage Groups Council
Annual Convention in Los Angeles. 

  The CCJS has also claimed that recent bombings which targeted two accused 
war criminals living in the U.S. were "a direct result of the Justice 
Department's lack of control of the Office of Special Investigations' method 
of operation.. .." [f-319] 

  Intense emotions and rhetoric have accompanied the anti-OSI efforts. The 
World Jewish Congress has charged that the motivating factor behind such 
activity is "the fear that the Justice Department's prosecutors are exposing 
the American public to the historical facts that Hitler's annihilation of six 
million Jews was carried out not by the Germans alone, but rather with the 
extensive collaboration of Lithuanians, Latvians, Ukrainians, Estonians, and 
other Europeans." [f-320] 

  Various fascist emigre elements have, over the years, attempted to present 
themselves as advocates of human rights and champions of persecuted 
minorities. Being identified with Nazi campaigns of murder does not lend 
credibility to their assertions when they make their public presentations in 
forums ranging from the Helsinki Human Rights Review to local U.S. rallies 
endorsed by Congressional representatives and the President of the United 
States. 

  Given the claimed patriotic purpose of the American Security Council, it 
makes little sense why the Coalition for Constitutional Justice and Security 
is a member of the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength -- especially 
since the primary purpose of the group is to shield accused Nazi war criminals
from prosecution. One can also ask why the Republican National Committee 
remains indifferent when one of its components, the Republican Heritage Groups
Council, opposes OSI. 

 - Support for South Africa and Apartheid - 

  When Jonas Savimbi, the head of the Union for the Total Independence of 
Angola (UNITA), met with President Reagan and Administration officials in a 
high profile, whirlwind tour of the Capital in January, 1986, it represented 
the success of a ten-year American Security Council effort to get recognition 
and funding for UNITA. Savimbi's Washington visit was hosted and coordinated 
by the American Security Council. [f-321] 

  UNITA is a South African-allied military force attempting to take over the 
government of Angola. The government of Angola, which is unfriendly to the 
apartheid regime in South Africa, came to power in 1975, despite a major CIA 
effort that supported UNITA. [f-322] Since then, a virtual South African lobby
has sprung up in American right-wing circles demanding a defense of the 
apartheid regime. 

  "We first invited Savimbi to come to the U.S. in 1975," says ASC president 
John Fisher. "We paid for a plane to bring him here with a dozen staff from 
Africa. We set them up in a hotel for 10 days. We set up Congressional 
meetings." [f-323] Congress at the time was preparing to cut off aid to UNITA.
The Clark Amendment was finally passed, which barred further aid to UNITA. 

  The ASC began what it called a decade-long "educational campaign" to have 
the amendment repealed. In 1981, Savimbi again was an ASC guest at its 
Virginia estate, and meetings with "the Secretary of State [Alexander Haig] 
and numerous Congressional leaders" were arranged, according to an ASC 
newsletter. [f-324] With the repeal of the Clark amendment in 1985, ASC hosted
a celebration with members of Congress and UNITA's Jeremias Chitunda, who said
that "John Fisher has always been standing by us.. .." [f-325] 

  The effort to aid UNITA was so crucial to the ASC that they gave their 1986 
"Distinguished Service Award" to Senator Bob Dole for his behind-the-scenes 
work on behalf of UNITA. Dole is now attempting to do the same for another 
South Africa-backed operation against Mozambique called RENAMO. [f-326] RENAMO
has ties to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and its representatives 
spoke at the WACL 1984 and 1985 conferences. 

  The ASC has worked with South Africa itself, and not just its proxies. In 
1979 an ASC "fact-finding mission" visited South Africa, then-white 
supremacist Rhodesia, and South Africa-occupied Namibia. [f-327] The trip was 
funded and coordinated by the Southern African Freedom Foundation, which had 
been exposed the year before as a project secretly funded by the South African
government. [f-328] Press coverage at the time identified Ray Ackerman, a 
Capetown businessman, as an architect of the SAFF. [f-329] 

  The ASC praised Ackerman with "a special debt of thanks," for helping to 
raise the "funds needed for the project." Ian Smith, head of the white 
minority Rhodesian regime, had been a guest at the ASC estate near Boston, 
Virginia just months earlier. [f-330] 

  Two months after the Reagan Administration came to power, the ASC hosted and
coordinated the visit of five military intelligence officials from South 
Africa to the U.S., including the head of military intelligence. The Council 
arranged for them to meet with staff at the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence 
Agency and the National Security Council. [f-331] Through Roger Pearson 
associate and Jesse Helms staffer Jim Lucier, meetings were arranged on 
Capitol Hill. [f-332] A meeting was also arranged with then-Ambassador to the 
United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick. [f-333] Because South African military 
officials were supposed to be banned from U.S. visits, the intelligence 
officials were hurried out of the U.S. after six days of activity, including a
two-day briefing for the ASC on Southern Africa. [f-334] Several days after 
the visit, then-Secretary of State Al Haig called for the repeal of the Clark
Amendment. [f-335] 

  Several member organizations of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength are
also close to South Africa's apartheid regime. In 1983, for instance, Jack 
Abramoff went to South Africa as chairman of the College Republican National 
Committee to begin an ongoing relationship with the extreme right National 
Student Federation (NSF). The NSF noted this as a "grand alliance of 
conservative students.. .an alliance that would represent the swing to the 
right amongst the youth in America and Western Europe." [f-336] After an 
exchange of trips between College Republicans and South African student 
rightists, the College Republican National Council passed a resolution 
condemning "deliberate planted propaganda by the KGB," and "Soviet proxy 
forces" in Southern Africa, without mentioning apartheid or racism. [f-337] 
The National Student Federation, which says that 72% of its funding comes from
corporations, resolved out of these meetings "To inspire, focus and unite the 
national will.. .to achieve.. .`Peace Through Strength'." [f-338] 

  Another Coalition for Peace Through Strength member, the Conservative Caucus
(which is also part of the World Anti-Communist League), works directly with 
South African government officials. 

  Caucus Chair Howard Phillips cosponsors trips to South Africa (at a $4,000 
fee) which offer "confidential intelligence and financial briefings" and 
meetings "with the very highest officials of government, business, banking and
the military in South Africa." Also promised are "military intelligence 
briefings." Ads for such trips are placed in John Birch Society publications. 
[f-339] The Conservative Caucus lobbies vigorously for UNITA and attempted to 
initiate a corporate campaign against Gulf Oil/Chevron for buying Angolan oil.
[f-340]

  Phillips and Abramoff have both supported campaigns calling for the 
dismissal of Chester Crocker and George Shultz from the State Department 
because they are seen as insufficiently supportive of South Africa. [f-341] 
The "Dump Schultz" campaign grew out of a meeting of the Council for National 
Policy, [f-342] a secret membership group that has included Phillips, 
Abramoff, then-National Security Council officials Oliver North and John 
Lenczowski, WACL chair John Singlaub, and many others with ASC interlocks. 
[f-343] CNP's secret quarterly meetings bring together right-wing funders 
(such as Joseph Coors) and foreign policy activists. [f-344] The June 1987 
speaker was Richard Secord. [f-345] Secord was a major player in the Iran 
Contra-gate arms for hostages private network. 

  Because the ASC and WACL have a shared history, leadership and political 
outlook, it seems appropriate to note one other South African connection to 
American rightists. 

  Although it doesn't show up on the list of delegates at WACL conferences, 
WACL has a South African chapter. It has been headed for years by Ivor Benson,
[f-346] who has also been the South African correspondent to <The Spotlight,> 
[F-347] the notoriously anti-Semitic newspaper published by the quasi-Nazi 
Liberty Lobby. Benson wrote a speech for the 1986 meeting of the Institute for
Historical Review, [f-348] an organization devoted to proving the Nazi 
Holocaust against Jews and others was a hoax. The Institute is the brainchild 
of Willis Carto, who also runs Liberty Lobby and <Spotlight>. Benson was 
unable due to illness to attend the 1986 IHR conference, but his speech was 
delivered by a colleague (at the same IHR event attended by Dr. Ronnett). 
Benson's speech implied that South Africa's troubles were due to a Jewish 
conspiracy. [F-349] 

  Like other friends of Liberty Lobby who are also members of WACL, Benson
stays out of sight so as to not embarrass other African delegates. He has, 
however, addressed at least one meeting of North American WACL chaired by Gen.
Singlaub. South Africa's main interest in WACL is to garner support for UNITA 
and RENAMO. Benson's direct and publicized presence could only hurt this 
effort at coalition- building, so he stays in the shadows. 


                           PART THREE - SECTION 5 

                           Allies and Allegiances 


  - Central America, Death Squads and the ASC - 

  Much of Central America has been plagued by poverty, corruption and 
U.S.-backed dictatorships for most of this century.[f-350] 

  In Nicaragua, the Somoza family had ruled from 1933 to 1979. In the 1970's, 
a form of "crony capitalism" similar to that of former Philippines dictator 
Ferdinand Marcos also dominated the politics and economy of Nicaragua. Few 
prospered without the blessing of Anastasio Somoza. A small corrupt circle of 
wealthy landowners and National Guard leaders ruthlessly maintained their hold
over Nicaragua. 

  When the Somoza regime in Nicaragua collapsed and the Sandinista coalition 
came to power on July 19, 1979, the American Security Council was quick to 
respond. "The Marxist Threat to Central America" was the headline and sole 
topic of its newsletter, <Washington Report>, August, 1979. It immediately 
formed a Task Force on Central America. "The goal of that Task Force is to be 
an energizing element within the Congress and within the two political parties
that would seek to force the [Carter] Administration to correct its policies 
toward Central America." By which they meant, get rid of the Sandinistas. 

  The ASC Task Force on Central America included a handful of retired 
generals, including John Singlaub, Daniel O. Graham, Richard Stillwell, Gordon
Sumner, William P. Yarborough and Alexander Haig. Congressional members 
included Larry McDonald (D-GA), George Hansen (R-ID), John Murphy (D-NY), Bob 
Stump (R-AR), and Charles Wilson (D-TX). Retired Admiral Thomas Moorer, also 
of the Task Force, saw threats "all the way from Mexico down to the Cape of 
South America." [f-351] 

  The ASC sought to make a popular issue out of Nicaragua for the 1980 
elections, just as the Panama Canal issue had aided the Right for the previous
four years. The film "Attack on the Americas" was produced in 1980, the first 
of three ASC films on Central America. It depicted all revolution as the 
result of KGB machinations rather than as responses to conditions in Central 
America itself. Even Florida was judged to be threatened. 

  As the Task Force name implied, the ASC was interested in all of Central 
America, not just Nicaragua. In 1979, a delegation of ASC leaders went to 
Guatemala and met with rightists connected to the death squads there. The 
delegation, led by Graham and Singlaub, told the ruling Guatemala military 
that they would urge Reagan to resume aid to the military dictatorship, which 
Carter had terminated because of the military's death squad activity. An 
estimated 100,000 deaths resulted from the brutal pacification programs in 
rural Guatemala in the late 1970's and early '80's. After the ASC delegation 
briefed him, one Guatemalan official was quoted as saying he felt the message 
was clear, "Mr. Reagan recognizes that a good deal of dirty work has to be 
done." Within days of the ASC visit, there was a dramatic increase in death 
squad activity. [f-352]

  Latin America has death squads, active or dormant, from Mexico to Argentina.
Most, if not all, are linked to military intelligence and police or national 
guard units. [f-353] They also have above-ground political organizations 
complementing their covert activity. These political organizations publicly 
advocate the most extreme measures against dissent within their respective 
countries. [f-354] 

  The ties between the legal political organizations, death squads, the 
American Security Council and World Anti-Communist League can be found in 
several countries including El Salvador, Guatemala, and Argentina. 

  Such was the case with the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AAA) in the 
1970's. It was an organization of right-wing murder, terror, and propaganda 
whose activity was coordinated with the military regime. [f-355] It was also 
the Argentine branch of the World Anti-Communist League.[f-356] 

  Roberto D'Aubuisson, closely identified with the death squads of El 
Salvador, is affiliated with the ARENA party and he serves as that country's 
representative to WACL. 

  During a 1981 trip to Washington, D.C., Roberto D'Aubuisson was an honored 
guest at an ASC conference, although D'Aubuisson had already been linked to El
Salvadoran death squad activities, including the 1980 murder of Archbishop 
Oscar Romero. The purpose of the D'Aubuisson visit was to enhance his support 
in Congress. [f-357] 

  The ASC also conducted an interview with D'Aubuisson in June of 1984 for its
radio program that is broadcast into Latin America, and for the ASC 
newsletter. [f-358] A photo of ASC leader Samuel Dickens and D'Aubuisson still
hangs on the ASC conference room wall. Dickens is a retired colonel who held 
various intelligence posts and headed the Air Force Directorate of Plans for 
the Western Hemisphere. 

  In early 1987 the ASC also organized a Washington reception for Alfredo 
Christiani, D'Aubuisson's successor as head of the extreme right ARENA party. 
Over 150 attended the reception, according to the ASC. [f-359] 

  As an ASC and World Anti-Communist League organizer, Singlaub also worked 
with D'Aubuisson. One mercenary magazine photo shows Singlaub and D'Aubuisson 
studying a military map in El Salvador. [f-360] 

  Under Somoza in Nicaragua, the National Guard was the base of WACL. In 
Guatemala, Mario Sandoval Alarcon is the leader of the National Liberation 
Movement, a political party, as well as the leader of the death squads in that
country. [f-361] He is also the Guatemalan representative to WACL. 

  An official spokesman of the National Liberation Movement (MLN) glorified 
the violence of his movement in terms strikingly similar to those used by 
Mussolini: 

 "I admit that the MLN is the party of organized violence. Organized violence 
is vigor, just as organized color is scenery and organized sound is harmony. 
There is nothing wrong with organized violence; it is vigor, and the MLN is a 
vigorous movement. [f-362]" 

  The ASC view of death squads was probably best expressed by Neil 
Livingstone, whose Institute on Terrorism and Subnational Conflict works out 
of the ASC offices. Often perceived as an opponent of terrorism, Livingstone 
wrote in <World Affairs>, Winter 1983-84, that "the problem of human rights is
genuinely bad in Guatemala and El Salvador. We should not wring our hands, 
however, over this problem." After giving a misleading explanation of the 
origins of death squads, Livingstone advocates their use because "they have 
helped more governments remain in power than they have harmed." He offers 
Argentina as an example. >Argentina is one country where the death squads 
embraced the swastika. 

  Livingstone, who also serves on the ASC Foundation's Strategy Board, wrote 
in <World and I>, (a monthly publication under the control of Rev. Sun Myung 
Moon), that "methods are needed that involve targeting individual terrorists 
and their leadership for assassination." [F-363] A box accompanying the 
article identifies such groups as the African National Congress and the ruling
party of Zimbabwe as "terrorist." [f-364] 

  Livingstone works with other Reagan Administration luminaries through his 
role with <World Affairs>, whose editorial board includes Jeane Kirkpatrick 
and her husband Evron; as well as pro-Contra activists Penn Kemble and Joshua 
Muravchic. 

  Livingstone's Institute also employed Robert Owen, Oliver North's courier in
secret Contra-support operations. Owen, a former staffer of then-Senator Dan 
Quayle, met with a key Contra organizer of the southern front against 
Nicaragua, John Hull, in Quayle's office. According to the <Wall Street 
Journal>, "After a long talk about conditions in Central America, Mr. Owen 
escorted Hull to the White House, where he met Col. [Oliver] North. In August,
1983, Mr. Owen testified that he made his first trip to Central America, 
traveling to Costa Rica on a round-trip ticket provided by Mr. Hull." [F-365] 

  North discussed the secret operation with Livingstone. [f-366] According to 
the <Report of the <Congressional Committees Investigating the <Iran-Contra 
Affair>, Livingstone's Institute received at least $75,000 from International 
Business Communications (IBC). IBC was part of the Oliver North network which 
funded various pro-Contra operations while working closely with Carl "Spitz" 
Channel's National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty>. [F-367] 

  The ASC's Director for Inter-American Affairs is Samuel Dickens. An 
associate of contra military commander Enrique Bermudez when they were on the 
Inter-American Defense Board in 1976, Dickens says that in 1981, "I took him 
to meet people at the State Department and Defense Department, saying this is 
a man, these are the efforts that should be supported." [f-368] 

  Dickens traveled in Honduras in 1981 "on the border of Nicaragua.. .meeting 
and really reviewing some of his forces." He adds that "the ASC is one of a 
number of organizations that put [Congressional funding for the contras] 
really high on the priority list of things to accomplish." 

  Connected into the Latin American extreme right, Dickens believes in a 
hardline military policy toward the civil war in El Salvador. In 1985, he 
wrote an article for <Replica> that attacked El Salvadoran President Napoleon 
Duarte's gestures toward negotiations with the FDR opposition. Dickens claimed
that "Many people in El Salvador consider the word `negotiations' to be a `bad
word,' and with complete justification." He called advocates of negotiations 
"dreamers." [F-369] In 1985, in another article in <Replica>, Dickens praised 
the founder of El Salvador's death squads as "the patriotic General Medrano," 
and called Medrano's critics "fools." [F-370] <Replica> is the magazine of the
Tecos, a Mexican neo-Nazi group noted for bizarre anti-Semitism and for its 
longtime leadership of the Latin American affiliate of the World 
Anti-Communist League -- an affiliate which served as the political umbrella 
of Latin America's death squads. [F-371] 

  The same murderous policies pursued by the Romanian Iron Guard when it 
collaborated with Hitler are praised as appropriate and necessary by current 
ideologues in Latin America. The Iron Guard, for instance, appears to be 
allied with the Pinochet regime in Chile. Pinochet has personally met with 
Iron Guard leaders, and several Guardists proudly display photographs of 
themselves individually posing with Pinochet and his wife. In turn, Iron Guard
propaganda, such as Alexander Ronnett's publication, <Potomac>, praises Chile,
speaks of the "years of progress" under Pinochet, and expresses its hope "that
other >nationalist governments will follow the example of President Pinochet."
Pinochet is secretly funding WACL according to Ronnett. [F-372] That the 
Pinochet regime would ally itself with pro-Nazi elements was evident as early 
as 1974, when Chile's new ambassador to the United States met with Austin App 
and others to discuss improving Chile's image in the U.S. press. [f-373] 

  In the introduction, by Dr. Dimitrie Gazdaru, to the English language 
translation of <For My Legionaries>, by Iron Guard founder Codreanu, the 
policies of the Iron Guard are seen as having current application in Latin 
America: 

 ".. .level-headed youth in several parts of the convulsed globe are now being
guided more and more by the doctrine of the movement ideated by Codreanu. The 
most telling demonstration of this is the recent recognition of it by 
healthy-minded youth in Chile, whose spokesman, an eminent university 
professor, clearly declares that the anti-communist victory there has 
initiated posthumous victories for Corneliu Codreanu.[f-374]" 

  The ideological training of many of the Latin American death squad members 
emphasizes the brutal tactics and theories of Mussolini and Hitler. Sometimes 
the connection is quite direct. For instance, after WWII, Third Reich 
collaborator Klaus Barbie actually continued to ply his gruesome trade in 
Bolivia as an advisor to the government-sanctioned death squads and a 
supporter of a 1980 pro-Nazi coup. [f-375] Some death squad members have 
openly sported swastikas.

  These are the groups Singlaub, WACL and the ASC work with internationally. 
The words may change from Counter-insurgency to Special Operations to 
Low-Intensity Conflict, but these are merely deceptive terms for what history 
calls war. As an advisor to the Contras, the Pentagon, Oliver North and 
others, Singlaub provides advice based on his own experience, including 
Operation Phoenix, a covert operation which employed cross-border raids, 
terrorism and assassination against Vietnamese civilians. [f-376] Now applying
those lessons to aid the Contras, Singlaub declared on the Phil Donahue show 
that "my life has been dedicated to... low-intensity warfare." [f-377] 


                                 CONCLUSIONS 

 Americans are, in general, not aware of the role and importance of the 
Eastern Front in the history of WWII. The German <blitzkrieg>, the Russian 
winter and the long Soviet counterattack are the staples of the history of 
this subject. The resulting ignorance allows us to tolerate an extensive 
network of collaborators established by Hitler's Third Reich, many of whom 
then came to the United States after the war ended. When these collaborators 
promote themselves as past victims of Soviet (or Romanian, Hungarian, etc.) 
persecution and as patriotic anti-communists, they mask their past fascism, 
Nazism, and, often, crimes against humanity. 

  A combination of ignorance, amnesia and in some cases political sympathy 
have allowed both American and European abetters of the Third Reich to play a 
prominent and respectable role inside the Republican Party. In many cases
these fascists are unrepentant about their past as enemies of the United 
States and as supporters of Nazi genocide. It is painfully ironic that it was 
our victory over Germany which forced SS-linked groups to flee their eastern 
European homelands, in some cases to the United States, and subsequently 
allowed former enemies of the United States to influence American politics at 
the highest levels. 

  The American right wing has made common cause with this racism and 
anti-Semitism in their ranks. The American Security Council is an important 
organization which is less an aberration of the American Right than the 
expression of two generations of Old and New Right issues, priorities, 
outlooks and personalities. As Christopher Simpson observes in <Blowback>: 

 "Captivated by a vision of the world in which any enemy of the Communists was
a friend of ours, the United States' <public> role in Eastern Europe during 
the cold war consisted in large part of the creation of polarized crises in 
which East-West cooperation became impossible, while the <clandestine> 
counterpart to this same policy often created secret alliances with war 
criminals, Nazis, and extremists." 

  The presence of these political currents in the American political process 
presents a challenge to members of both political parties and to those of 
neither party. Observers and researchers in the media, academia and in 
non-profit political and religious groups must all ask themselves whether the 
condition described herein is acceptable. 

  In 1988 the George Bush presidential campaign was presented with the 
opportunity to repudiate the anti-Semites, Nazi apologists and fascists who 
had been recruited into the campaign's ethnic outreach arm through Republican 
party contacts. Instead of repudiating anti-democratic tendencies and bigotry,
the Bush campaign chose to sidestep the charges and moved instead to minimize 
damage to the political campaign. 

 The record to date leads to the conclusion that the Republican National 
Committee and the network around the American Security Council and World 
Anti-Communist League may consider it forgivable to have been a fascist 
collaborator so long as one is today an active anti-communist pursuing the 
maintenance of the Cold War in foreign policy and extremist right-wing 
politics at home. If this is an incorrect interpretation, then it is incumbent
upon them to give a better -- and public -- explanation of why a tolerance for
anti-Semitism, racism, authoritarianism and fascism is a hallmark of both 
their foreign policy intrigues abroad and their political coalition-building 
at home. 


                                                     continued...
 ---------------------------------------
 Source: PeaceNet cdp:pn.publiceye
 Written 3:20 pm Mar  4, 1990 by nlgclc in cdp:pn.publiceye
 From The NY Transfer BBS  718-448-2358
 ---------------------------------------

